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casino santa cruz de la sierra medicina A woman carries a banner bearing photographs of missing persons in a march by mothers of the disappeared in Mexico City, May 10, 2012.
Rather than strengthening public security, these abuses had exacerbated a climate of violence, lawlessness, and fear.
Throughout most of his presidency, CalderĂłn denied security forces had committed any abuses, despite mounting evidence to the contrary.
Only in his final year did he acknowledge that human rights violations had occurred, and take a handful of positive—though very limited—steps to curb some abusive practices.
However, he failed to fulfill his fundamental obligation to ensure that the egregious violations committed by members of the military and police were investigated and the perpetrators brought to justice.
That responsibility now falls to President Peña Nieto.
And nowhere is it more urgent than in cases where people have been taken against their will and their fate is still unknown.
What ready broadway casino birmingham postcode that these crimes apart is that, for as long as the fate of the victim remains unknown, they are ongoing.
Each day that passes is another that authorities have failed to find victims, and another day that families continue to suffer the anguish of not knowing what happened to a loved one.
In more than 140 of these cases, evidence suggests that these were enforced disappearances—meaning that state agents participated directly in the crime, or indirectly through support or acquiescence.
These crimes were committed by members of every security force involved in public security operations, sometimes acting in conjunction with organized crime.
In the remaining cases, we were not able to determine based on available evidence whether state actors participated in the crime, though they may have.
In nearly all of these cases, authorities failed to promptly and in broward casinos search for the victims or investigate the cases.
Prosecutors rarely carried out basic investigative steps crucial to finding missing persons, too often opting instead to blame the victims and, reflecting the low priority they place on solving such crimes, telling families to conduct the searches on their own.
When prosecutors did investigate, their efforts were undermined by delays, errors, and omissions.
Searches and investigations were further hindered by structural problems such as overly narrow laws and the lack of critical tools like a national database of the disappeared.
Many relatives put aside everything else in their lives to search for the missing, a quest they feel they cannot abandon until they learn the truth.
The nearly 250 cases documented in this report by no means represent all the disappearances that occurred in Mexico during the CalderĂłn administration.
Quite the opposite, there is no question that there are thousands more.
Officials in Coahuila, for example, told Human Rights Watch that 1,835 people had disappeared in that state alone from December 2006 to April 2012.
The result was the most severe crisis of enforced disappearances in Latin America in decades.
If the Peña Nieto administration repeats this mistake—and fails to set out a comprehensive, effective plan to investigate past disappearances and help prevent them in the future—cases of disappearances will almost certainly continue to mount.
A different approach is possible.
While at this time results in these investigations remain limited and very few of the disappeared have been found, the approach provides a blueprint for overcoming some of the greatest obstacles to resolving disappearance cases.
Ultimately, the success of this and other state-level efforts will depend in large measure on whether the federal government is willing and able to do its part.
This is, after all, a national problem, often involving federal security forces and organized crime groups that operate across state lines.
The mass graves discovered in one state may well contain the remains of people disappeared in others.
A comprehensive strategy—rooted in nationwide continue reading such as the creation of unified, accurate databases of the disappeared and unidentified remains—is critical to give prosecutors, law enforcement officials, and families the tools they need casino tropicana san luis find the missing and bring those responsible for their disappearances to justice.
Enforced Disappearances Human Rights Watch has documented 249 disappearances committed in Mexico since December 2006.
In 149 of these cases, we found compelling evidence that state actors participated in the crime, either acting learn more here their own or collaborating with criminal groups.
Members of every security force engaged in public security operations —the Army and the Navy, the Federal Police, and state and municipal police—are implicated in these 149 cases.
The majority of the likely enforced disappearance cases we documented follow a pattern.
Members of security forces arbitrarily detain individuals without arrest orders or probable cause.
Soldiers and police who carry out these detentions almost always wear uniforms and drive official vehicles.
In some instances, evidence suggests that a specific security force carried out multiple disappearances using the same tactics, within a narrow period of time, and in the same geographical area.
For example, Human Rights Watch collected witness testimony and photographic and video evidence showing that members of the Navy committed more than 20 abductions in June and July 2011, in the please click for source states of Coahuila, Nuevo LeĂłn, and Tamaulipas.
Almost all of people were arbitrarily detained by members of the Navy in their homes.
The Navy initially denied having taken the men, only to contradict itself later by admitting in news releases that it had come into contact with several of the men before they disappeared.
The individuals have not been seen since they were arrested.
The common modus operandi in these cases suggests that these crimes may have been planned and coordinated, or at the very least could not have taken place without the knowledge of high-ranking Navy officials.
In cases where state agents work with organized crime in carrying out please click for source, the collaboration may take one of many different forms.
Most commonly, security forces arbitrarily detain victims and then hand them over to criminal groups.
In addition to these enforced disappearance cases, we also documented 100 other cases of disappearances.
In these cases, individuals were taken against their will—often by armed men—and their whereabouts remain unknown.
We are not aware of evidence of the participation of state actors in these crimes.
However, given the widespread involvement of police and military personnel evidenced in mandalay bay dining disappearances, in the absence of thorough investigations, it is impossible to rule out the participation of state actors in these cases.
Investigative Failures Our research shows that authorities routinely fail to respond in a timely fashion when victims, their families, or witnesses report abductions while they are taking place.
Instead, prosecutors and law enforcement officials regularly misinform families that the law requires a person to have been missing for several days before a formal complaint can be filed, and advise them to search for missing people at police stations and military bases—placing the family at risk; or prosecutors preemptively assert they lack the legal jurisdiction to investigate the case.
These groundless delays and omissions result in irreparable losses of information that could potentially have saved the lives of victims and helped locate the people who abducted them.
Making matters worse, when prosecutors, judicial police, and law enforcement officials attend to families of the disappeared, they regularly tell them the victims were likely targeted because they were involved in illicit activities, even when there is no evidence for such assertions.
Authorities use this unfounded presumption as a pretext for not opening investigations, and alienate and harass individuals whose cooperation often could have played a critical role in finding the missing person.
While it is reasonable for authorities to investigate the background of a victim as a possible lead, Human Rights Watch found that officials repeatedly assumed the criminal guilt of victims before conducting any preliminary investigation, and held onto such views in the face of clear evidence to the contrary.
Yet in case after case, Human Rights Watch found that they relied disproportionately, or even entirely, on families to carry out key investigative tasks.
In addition to relying excessively on families, prosecutors fail to carry out basic investigative steps.
Even in cases where justice officials carried out basic investigative steps, they often waited so long to complete them that possible leads dissipated.
In some cases, police and justice officials harrahs casino new orleans food evidence—claiming to have carried out interviews that never occurred, for example—while in others they manipulated or destroyed key evidence, suggesting that casino cancun hard cafe rock may have been working to protect those responsible for the crimes.
Beyond failing to resolve individual cases and exacerbating a general climate of impunity, these investigative failures allow security forces and criminal groups that carry out multiple disappearances to strike again.
In several cases, Human Rights Watch found compelling evidence that the same state agents—often in collaboration with criminal groups—carried out multiple disappearances in separate incidents.
In these cases, prosecutors and law enforcement officials neglected to pursue evidence that, had it been adequately investigated, may casino santa cruz de la sierra medicina prevented additional people from being disappeared.
Families described not knowing what happened to their loved ones as a source of perpetual anguish—one deepened by the lackluster efforts of prosecutors to find their relatives.
Many described an overriding sense of obligation to set aside the other parts of their lives in order to dedicate themselves fully to searching for their loved ones.
Relatives reported suffering serious emotional and psychological effects as a result of their loss—including depression and the constant fear that another loved one would be taken next.
Several relatives of the disappeared in the cases documented here, including at least one child, attempted to commit suicide.
Families who do keep searching for the missing, publicly discuss their cases, or press authorities to investigate often are subject to harassment, threats, and attacks.
Furthermore, such hostile acts terrorize not only the people they target, but also other relatives of the disappeared and members of the public, who fear that calling for justice will put them at risk.
The overwhelming majority of disappeared persons in the cases documented by Human Rights Watch were working class men, who were often the sole wage earners in households with several children.
In their absence, their spouses and partners were forced to take immediate measures to adapt to the loss of income and provide for their families.
This hardship is aggravated by the system of social services in Mexico, whereby the receipt of some services are conditional upon a member of the household being employed.
Therefore, a disappearance can lead to the suspension of access to social benefits such as healthcare and childcare.
In order to maintain access to these crucial services, relatives were forced to initiate a costly and protracted bureaucratic process to obtain recognition that the disappeared person was missing or dead, which heightened their suffering.
Most of the families interviewed by Human Rights Watch had never come into contact with the agency, and had little to no understanding of the services it offered.
Furthermore, the overwhelming majority of these families said PROVÍCTIMA pressured relatives to accept that their loved ones were dead, even though no evidence had been uncovered to substantiate that conclusion, exacerbating their suffering.
A New Approach: the Example of Nuevo LeĂłn Nuevo LeĂłn has been one of the states hardest hit by disappearances in recent years, with estimates ranging from over 600 by official estimates to more than 1,000 people disappeared according to local human rights defenders since the beginning of the CalderĂłn administration.
In 2010 and 2011, Human Rights Watch carried out several fact-finding visits to Nuevo LeĂłn to investigate enforced disappearances and other abuses, and observed a climate of near-total impunity similar to what we had found in several other states of Mexico.
Despite clear evidence of enforced disappearances, state prosecutors consistently failed to prosecute the members of the military and police who had committed them.
Victims and their families grew deeply disillusioned with authorities, while even well-intentioned prosecutors had little incentive to investigate these crimes.
In a vicious cycle of distrust and dysfunction, the less that victims and officials collaborated in solving these crimes, the more entrenched the climate of impunity became.
Then came the shift.
Under considerable pressure, state officials agreed to work with the families in investigating their cases.
At first, both sides were distrustful.
And families, in turn, began to collaborate more openly with prosecutors.
The combination of real efforts by prosecutors and the guiding hand of families gave rise to a new dynamic, which allowed vegas fights to move forward for the first time in years.
Progress in individual investigations, however small, made it possible to believe that these horrific crimes, many of which appeared to implicate state agents, could be solved.
For their part, prosecutors took the solid investigative tactics and skills they had learned working on one case or more info and applied them to other disappearances on their docket.
This qualitative work on individual cases has been coupled with broader institutional and legal reforms aimed at strengthening the capacity of authorities to prosecute these crimes, such as passing legislation that criminalizes enforced disappearances, assigning special judicial police to investigate disappearances, and drafting an investigation manual that lays out fundamental steps that every prosecutor should take when investigating a disappearance.
For all of the progress that has been made in investigating disappearances in Nuevo LeĂłn, the challenges that remain to effectively investigating disappearances and finding those who have gone missing are daunting.
Authorities whose input is critical to advancing investigations often fail to cooperate with the efforts of prosecutors to solve cases—or worse, intentionally obstruct them.
Due to these and other serious obstacles, advances in the investigations have been limited.
The fate of the overwhelming majority of the disappeared remains unknown.
Nevertheless, the step of breaking through a climate of disillusionment and distrust in select cases is real.
In that way, the working process in Nuevo LeĂłn provides a blueprint for how some of the greatest challenges to investigating not only disappearances, but all human rights violations in Mexico, can be overcome.
The criteria for and collection of data should be consistent with the data collected for the database of the disappeared.
Such efforts should be initiated without delay, and should involve the full range of security forces and other authorities.
In particular, ensure that the definition includes disappearances committed by organized groups or private individuals acting on behalf of, or with the support direct or indirectconsent, or acquiescence of state officials.
These laws should be applicable only in exceptional cases when a suspect is caught in the act of committing a crime.
Methodology This report is based on in-depth research on disappearances in Mexico conducted between January 2012 and February 2013, including fact-finding investigations in the states of Coahuila, Guanajuato, Nuevo LeĂłn, San Luis PotosĂ­, and Zacatecas.
In the course of these investigations, researchers also met with families whose learn more here had disappeared in other states, such as Tamaulipas and MichoacĂĄn.
In all, the disappearances detailed in this report took place in 11 states, representing a geographically and politically diverse cross-section of the country.
Human Rights Watch documented 249 disappearances committed during the CalderĂłn administration for this report.
In 149 of those cases, the evidence strongly suggests they were enforced disappearances—meaning state actors likely participated in the crime.
In the remaining 100 of the 249 cases, there was not sufficient evidence to conclude that state actors had participated in the crimes, though they may have.
In certain cases in this report, Human Rights Watch cites official confessions by individuals accused of having participated in enforced disappearances.
It is relevant to note that our previous report, Neither Rights Nor Security, documented the systematic use of torture by security forces in five states during the administration of President Felipe CalderĂłn.
Oftentimes, these tactics were aimed at extracting forced confessions that not only accepted guilt, but also a posteriori concealed the abuses by security forces leading up to and during coercive interrogations.
Given the prevalence of this practice, and the doubt it casts on the truthfulness of confessions obtained by officials, this report only cites confessions of alleged involvement in crimes when such statements are corroborated by and consistent with other credible evidence—such as witness accounts, video footage, or official arrest reports.
And each time the report cites such confessions, Human Rights Watch has noted that the widespread use of torture should be taken into account when weighing their evidentiary value.
The report also notes when individuals have been charged in disappearance cases.
While being charged with a crime consignado under Mexican law requires the authorization of a judge, it is not—nor should it be read as—an indication of guilt.
In the course of the research, Human Rights Watch conducted more than 100 interviews with a wide array of actors.
Often this request was motivated by the fear that speaking publicly about please click for source case could bring harm to the disappeared person, or even lead to another person being disappeared as retribution for denouncing the crimes of criminal groups or authorities.
Others asked that the cases they shared not be included in the report, driven by similar concerns.
Several state officials who spoke with Human Rights Watch about disappearances asked that their names be withheld, but permitted us to include the government institutions for which they worked.
Translations from the original Spanish to English are by Human Rights Watch.
Enforced Disappearances There is strong evidence that 149 of the 249 abductions Human Rights Watch investigated continue reading this report were enforced disappearances involving public security personnel.
Members of all of the security forces participating in public security operations—federal, state, and municipal police, the Army, and the Navy, as well as judicial police—are implicated in the cases.
Members of municipal police forces, who in many instances colluded with organized crime, are implicated in more cases than members of other forces.
In the 149 cases, the victims were virtually always seen by eyewitnesses being taken into custody, most often without evident justification, by police or the military.
The failure to register detentions and promptly hand detainees over to prosecutors has obstructed efforts of families and authorities to search for the missing people.
In cases where security forces appeared to act on their own, victims were never seen after their illegal arrests.
In other cases, there is evidence that members of the police or military handed over people to criminal groups after illegally detaining them, or joined armed men in carrying out abductions, and then denied participating in the crime.
Sometimes the collaboration between authorities came after people were abducted—when state agents helped criminal groups extort the families of the victims.
Human Rights Watch collected a wide range of evidence that ties officials to these 149 cases.
In many instances, officials explicitly identified themselves to families and witnesses as police or soldiers when they were carrying out the arbitrary detentions that led to disappearances.
Members of security forces often wore uniforms and drove official vehicles used in abductions, and in several cases were captured on video or in photographs.
In many instances, the testimonies of family members were confirmed by independent witnesses.
Indeed, in several cases, security forces admitted to having taken the individuals in question into custody.
Government officials have at times said that crimes allegedly committed by soldiers or police in uniform were likely carried out by people disguised as members of security forces.
While it is true that on a few occasions in recent years criminal groups have employed counterfeit uniforms and vehicles, government officials interviewed for this report were unable to identify a single case in which there was any evidence that criminals had posed as members of a security force to carry out a disappearance.
The dearth of examples, coupled with the fact that, as this report shows, criminal groups openly carry out disappearances with near total impunity, casts serious doubt on whether any of the cases documented here were carried out by individuals using counterfeit uniforms and vehicles.
In the 149 cases in which evidence strongly suggests that enforced disappearances were perpetrated by state agents, the facts point to a clear modus operandi on the part of security forces.
In some instances, there is evidence that a specific security force carried out multiple disappearances in a limited period of time within the same geographical area, suggesting that some of these crimes may have been planned and coordinated, or at the very least could not have taken place without the knowledge of high-ranking authorities.
Enforced Disappearances by the Navy Human Rights Watch documented more than 20 cases of enforced disappearances perpetrated by members of the Navy just click for source June and July 2011.
Given the number of members of the Navy that allegedly participated in these operations—at least a dozen official vehicles, according to witness accounts—and the fact that the Navy acknowledged that it detained several of the victims, it is unlikely that such operations took place without the knowledge of ranking officers.
In each case, the Navy arrived in a large convoy of more than a dozen vehicles, the majority of casino bonus collector gamehunters doubledown were marked with official insignia, along with two to four unmarked vehicles.
They closed off entire streets, using vehicles as barricades.
Heavily armed members of the Navy wearing masks then entered homes, often forcibly, without any search or arrest warrants.
According to families, the people in Navy uniforms were not looking for individuals by name.
Instead, they indiscriminately took young men, telling their families they were being brought in for questioning and would be released if they proved to be innocent.
José Fortino Martínez Martínez, 33, who ran a convenience store in a school with his wife in Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas, was sleeping at with his wife and four children ages 16, 12, 7, and 3 on June 5, 2011, when they awoke at 1 a.
The members of the Navy then took MartĂ­nez outside for questioning.
From the entryway, his wife said she counted 14 vehicles marked with Navy insignia—most of them pick-up trucks, several of which had mounted guns in their bays—and four unmarked cars.
After several minutes of questioning, the members of the Navy let MartĂ­nez go back inside his home.
But minutes later they summoned him outside again, saying they needed to check his fingerprints.
His wife was told to wait inside the home with their children.
Approximately half an hour later, his wife heard the screech of tires.
When she went outside, she said, the vehicles in the convoy were driving away.
She came across the convoy on a highway near the airport, she said, and followed them from a distance as they carried out raids on several other homes.
She asked why they had detained her husband and where they were taking him.
The man answered that they had not detained anyone.
One had a bag pulled over his head, one was blindfolded, and the other two had their shirts pulled over their heads.
As she looked at the detainees, the man she was speaking to warned her to stop following the convoy.
If she did not, he warned her, they would shoot at her vehicle.
He said they had been authorized to fire their weapons at will, regardless of whether their targets were women and children.
She returned to her car.
As news spread that the detainees were being held there, more than a dozen friends and relatives of people who had been taken assembled outside of the motel, together with members of the local press.
The people gathered near the entrance to the parking lot of the hotel, which was surrounded by a wall.
The video shows at least four Navy pick-up trucks in the motel parking lot, identifiable by official insignia on their doors.
A pick-up truck with the Navy insignia on its door, marked as unit number 600160, is shown in the video at the parking lot entrance.
The truck was directed outwards, towards the street where people had gathered.
At one point, the photographs show, another masked man in a Navy uniform walked into the street next to the motel and began to photograph members of the crowd who had gathered there.
After his father walked by the window, the son said, the curtain was drawn closed swiftly by a man in a Navy uniform.
At approximately 6 a.
She said she observed the vehicles as they stopped outside a location in the Mirador neighborhood of Nuevo Laredo.
She said Navy vehicles blocked off two ends of a residential block, just as they had done on her block when they took her husband.
Human Rights Watch separately interviewed the mother of MartĂ­n Rico GarcĂ­a, 41, who said her son was arbitrarily detained by people in Navy uniforms on the morning of June 5, 2011, also in Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas.
She also confirmed the raid had occurred at approximately 6 a.
His mother said armed, masked men in Navy uniforms had come to her door and demanded she open it.
When she did, they identified themselves as members of the Navy and said they were carrying out an investigation.
She asked if they had a warrant to search the home, but they said they did not need one.
They searched the house and detained her son and her grandson.
She said that the members of the Navy asked her how old her grandson was.
When she told them he was 17, the men let him go.
If there is nothing on him, he will be set free.
But these guys behave one way at home and another in the streets.
They are not all little white doves.
Afraid for her children, she stayed in the gas station when the convoy departed.
She never saw her husband again.
The Navy provided conflicting accounts as to whether it had any contact with MartĂ­nez, Rico GarcĂ­a, and at least four other men who were arbitrarily detained on June 4 and 5, 2011.
Up to the present there is no evidence that suggests that Navy personal secured, much less unlawfully deprived these persons of their liberty.
go here, it should be pointed out no evidence has been found establishing that these individuals belonged to any criminal cell.
In it, the Navy said that it had indeed come into contact with the six missing men in Colombia, Nuevo León—a different wv casino morgantown from the one it identified in a previous press release.
Then they were transferred to the town of Miguel AlemĂĄn, Tamaulipas, for their safety.
Moreover, it is a city notorious for being one of the most violent in the state for example, there were several public shootouts involving the military and armed criminal groups shortly before this incidentand for having a significant presence of organized crime groups, in particular the Zetas.
Human Rights Watch interviewed relatives new casinos in two other men who were arbitrarily detained on the same night as MartĂ­nez; these relatives corroborated the chronology of detentions, and described similar tactics.
None of the six men have been seen since that night.
The disappearances carried out on June 4 and 5, 2011, in Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas, are similar in important respects to several other disappearances carried out in the neighboring states of Nuevo LeĂłn and Coahuila during the same month.
In those cases, robust evidence from multiple sources also points to the involvement of the Navy, suggesting all of these disappearances may have been part of a regional operation.
For example, on June 23, 2011, at approximately 4 p.
His father, also a taxi driver, was at the station at the time.
When he saw the Navy personnel remove his son from his taxi and load him into a Navy pick-up truck, he approached and asked why they were detaining his son.
They also inquired at the Navy base, which said they were not holding him.
According to his mother, father, and brother—all of whom were home at the time—10 armed, masked men carried out the raid wearing Navy uniforms.
They then took René, who was in the next room, and loaded him into an official Navy vehicle.
It was the last time they saw him.
Enforced Disappearances by Local Police The security force most frequently implicated in the enforced disappearances documented by Human Rights Watch is local police.
Human Rights Watch found strong evidence in 95 cases that local police participated directly or indirectly in enforced disappearances.
For example, Israel Torres LazarĂ­n, 21, worked at a treatment center for drug addicts in GĂłmez Palacios, Durango.
On June 18, 2009, Torres was traveling together with five of his co-workers to pick up a patient when their car was stopped by municipal police in Matamoros, Coahuila.
When the director tried communicating by radio a third time, there was no answer.
The director immediately traveled to the location and spoke to several people working nearby who said they had seen the police stop the car and place six individuals in a truck marked with the insignia of the municipal police.
Torres and his five co-workers were never seen again.
In another case, gold dealers Eduardo Cortés Cortés, 27, José Manuel Cortés Cortés, 21, Carlos Magallón Magallón, 30, and David Magallón Magallón, 28, were abducted after traveling from their homes in the town of Pajacuarån, Michoacan, to buy and sell gold in the state of San Luis Potosí, as they did routinely as part of their trade, according to the father of victims Eduardo and José Manual Cortés Cortés.
Shortly thereafter David called his wife and told her that he and the others had been detained and were being taken to the police station in Cardenas.
Then the call cut out abruptly.
When his wife called back, she was unable to reach him.
It was the last contact any of the families had with the four men.
Further evidence points to the involvement of the police in the disappearance.
When Human Rights Watch reviewed the investigation case file, there was no record of prosecutors having interviewed—or attempted to find—this potential key witness.
Police in Cardenas denied ever having questioned the four men, and no officials have been charged in the case.
In October 2011, the head of public security in Cardenas, two police officers, and the chief of a police unit were detained and charged with having visit web page with the Zetas to carry out robberies, acts of extortion, and kidnappings.
Family members of the victims recognized one of the people charged as the police officer who had threatened them when they had traveled to Cardenas in October seeking information on their missing relatives.
Enforced Disappearances by Federal Police Human Rights Watch found strong evidence that 13 enforced disappearances were carried out by federal police, including that casino santa cruz de la sierra medicina teenagers Roberto IvĂĄn HernĂĄndez GarcĂ­a and Yudith Yesenia Rueda GarcĂ­a, both 17.
None of the cars had license plates, they said.
Within an hour of their arbitrary detention, relatives of HernĂĄndez and Rueda went to the federal police station in Monterrey to inquire whether the two were being held there.
Detainees are not brought here.
Go to the municipal police.
For example, 19 men who worked for a construction company were abducted in PesquerĂ­a, Nuevo LeĂłn, on May 28, 2011.
Later, police cars returned to the building carrying several of the workers, the witness said, and the workers loaded valuables from the dormitories into the police cars.
Witnesses also reported seeing a large group of workers being held outside of the municipal police station in PesquerĂ­a on May 28.
The kidnappers told RodrĂ­guez that if he wanted to negotiate the release of his workers, he would need to meet them the following morning at a bridge on the outskirts of town.
An employee who drove him to the location said that a municipal police car and a car without license plates were waiting for him there.
RodrĂ­guez got into one of the cars, which then drove away.
Neither he nor the 19 workers were ever seen again.
Seventeen police from PesquerĂ­a were arrested on June 9, 2011, and placed under arraigo detention the following week for the abduction of the workers and collusion with organized crime.
At this writing, nine police officers had been charged in the disappearance, while the investigation remained ongoing.
In another example of collusion between authorities and organized crime, on December 27, 2011, brothers JosĂ© Carlos and Juan Rogelio MacĂ­as Herrera, 39 and 37—who ran a business selling used cars—were driving between the municipalities of Apodaca and JuĂĄrez in Nuevo LeĂłn when they were detained at a police checkpoint.
The wife of one of the brothers lived along the road where police had set up the checkpoint.
She saw the numbers of the two patrol units and wrote them down.
When the brothers did not return home within several hours, relatives went to the JuĂĄrez municipal police station to ask if they were being held.
The police denied any knowledge of their detention, members of the family said.
On January 3, 2012, five men, including three members of the JuĂĄrez police, were detained for kidnapping the two men.
According to the statements of the accused police officers, the brothers were handed over to a leader of a local cell of the Zetas.
Their whereabouts remain unknown.
Police from Juárez were also implicated in collaborating with organized crime in the disappearances of Israel Arenas Durán, 17, Adrián Nava Cid, and brothers Gabriel and Reynaldo García Álvarez—who worked at a plant nursery in Juárez, Nuevo León.
The four young men disappeared on the night of June 17, 2011, after going for drinks at a bar after work.
Israel called his younger brother, Irving, from the bar to ask him to bring money for the bill.
As Irving approached, he saw police loading his brother, in handcuffs, into the back of police car, unit 131.
Irving asked one of the officers why the man was being detained, and in response the officer asked if Irving knew the man.
When Irving answered that he did not out of fearthe officer told him to go away.
Irving rushed home and told his parents what he had seen, and then the three set out together for the municipal police station in JuĂĄrez.
The police who attended to them denied that officers had detained anyone named Israel Arenas.
Yet while they waited, Irving saw one of the police officers who had detained his brother walk through the station.
He also spotted the police car he had seen his brother loaded into—unit 131—parked outside the station.
When the family returned to the JuĂĄrez transit police station a third time, an official in plainclothes who identified himself as a commander attended to them.
He said Israel had been detained for crashing into a police vehicle and was being held in the station.
When the family returned the next day, officials told them that—contrary to the information they had been given the day before—Israel had never been detained.
Police also said no one with the characteristics of the man they spoke with the day before worked for the police.
The driver turned out to be a former judicial police officer.
Eight men from LeĂłn, Guanajuato— JosĂ© Diego Cordero Anguiano, 47; Juan Diego Cordero Valdivia, 22; Ernesto Cordero Anguiano, 37; AlĂĄn JosuĂ© Bocanegra GarcĂ­a, 19; Sergio SĂĄnchez PĂ©rez, 32; Mario Alberto Reyes, 26; JosĂ© Javier MartĂ­nez, 46; HĂ©ctor GonzĂĄlez Cervantes, 37—were illegally detained on December 6, 2011 by local police in the municipality of JoaquĂ­n Amaro, Zacatecas, as they returned from a hunting trip.
According to two individuals who were part of the group of hunters and managed to escape their captors, the group was detained at approximately 6 p.
Municipal police officers from JoaquĂ­n Amaro and Tabasco another municipality in Zacatecas took part in their detention, the survivors said.
The police confiscated their mobile phones and weapons and took them to the police station, where they blindfolded them, beat them, and accused them of belonging to a criminal group that had come to take over new territory.
At approximately 11 p.
One of the abducted hunters escaped, while another—a teenager—was released.
At this writing, according to local human rights defenders, the police had also been charged by federal prosecutors with colluding with organized crime and were awaiting trial.
In each case, however, authorities either did not respond or turned them away.
For example, on the afternoon of October 26, 2008, approximately five unmarked SUVs blocked off the street where the Vega family lived, Dania Vega pseudonym told Human Rights Watch.
Vega hid in the bathroom with her children and dialed 066—the telephone number used to report emergencies, such as fires and robberies, to authorities—to report the abduction in progress.
She told the officers that her husband and father had just been abducted, described the SUVs that had just taken them, and asked the police to pursue the vehicles.
The officers responded that they were not responsible for what happened in that part of the town and could not leave the location where they had been posted.
She said the officers did not even report the crime to other units over their radios.
The family of IvĂĄn Baruch NĂș ñez Mendieta, 31, also found authorities unwilling to act in real time when presented with credible evidence of a disappearance.
NĂșñez went to a bar in TorreĂłn, Coahuila, with several friends on August 6, 2011, and called his wife around 3 a.
When he did not arrive home within several hours, his wife called several of his friends. told her that the bouncers had prevented NĂșñez from leaving the bar after he had an argument with a waiter.
When NĂșñez still had not returned by the morning of August 7, several of his relatives went to the bar, but armed guards at the door would not let them go inside.
As a result, a relative went to look for help and found a patrol unit several blocks away.
But when he told the two police officers what had happened, the officers said that they were assigned to a specific location and could not leave their post.
Members of the family said that when they went to the police station, officers told them they would first need to obtain a search warrant before going to the bar, which could take days or even weeks.
NĂșñez was never seen again.
In April 2012, his relatives told Human Rights Watch that, according to their conversations with investigators assigned to the case, neither police nor prosecutors had ever inspected the bar.
Scores of families said that when they went to report a disappearance, prosecutors and police told them that a person needed to have been missing for 72 hours before a complaint could be filed.
State prosecutors in Coahuila told Human Rights Watch that, as recently as 2011, official documents had been circulated to state justice and law enforcement officials instructing them to wait 72 hours before opening investigations into disappearances.
While they said such memos are no longer in circulation, they conceded that many prosecutors and police continue this practice when families report disappearances.
In other cases, prosecutors told families the missing person had most likely been detained by security forces, and would eventually be handed over to justice officials or released without charge.
In the meantime, prosecutors told families, it was not worth opening an investigation.
By law, security forces are required to immediately hand over detainees to prosecutors.
On December 29, 2009, at approximately 8 p.
When she asked the judicial police officer attending her why the vehicle was there, he said the report accompanying the vehicle indicated that it had been left there by the Army.
The same report, the officer told her, said that the Army had detained Nitza Paola and José Ángel, who had been in the car at the time.
When she arrived there, she was told that there was no prosecutor who could attend to her.
However, according to José Ángel, the agent told him the family should wait several days before taking any action.
Federal prosecutors also refused to accompany families to the neighboring Navy base where many believed their relatives were being held incommunicado.
By the time federal prosecutors were willing to attend to the relatives and register their cases on June 7, at least six families who had originally tried to report disappearances did not return to file official complaints.
For example, in November 2011, 23 undocumented Central American migrants making their way to the United States were abducted by armed men in Coahuila.
According to the testimonies of three migrants who escaped, the armed men stopped a train the victims were riding and then forced the migrants into pick-up trucks.
Weeks later, another of the migrants who had escaped—and who had previously had been too afraid to come forward—decided that he too wanted to file an official complaint.
The failure to promptly open investigations into the disappearances of undocumented migrants can be especially harmful when witnesses are fellow migrants, because they are likely to leave the places where abuses have occurred within a short period of time due to their transitory status.
They are also more reluctant to speak with authorities, out of fear that authorities will deport them for having entered Mexico without authorization, according to rights defenders in migrant shelters.
Given that cartels have committed serious crimes in Mexico in recent years, including many disappearances, it is reasonable for prosecutors to investigate the possibility that the perpetrators of such crimes are members of criminal groups.
It is also reasonable to examine the background of the victim for information relevant to his whereabouts or possible motives for his abduction.
Authorities repeatedly embraced this theory, and indeed often voiced it to families, before undertaking a preliminary investigation into the case.
Such statements, according to scores of families interviewed by Human Rights Watch, leave them feeling government officials have a strong bias against their family members, making them fearful and reluctant to collaborate with investigators.
When they leave the house, they are another.
At the same time, the investigator asked no questions about the possible involvement of the security forces in his disappearance, despite the fact that Herrera and the other men had called their wives shortly before disappearing to say local police had stopped them.
Prosecutors and law enforcement officials in several cases reflexively suggested to spouses and partners that the victim left voluntarily because he or she was probably unhappy in the relationship, or must have run off with another lover, a particularly hurtful form of speculation.
For example, MĂłnica Isabel Esquivel Castillo, 22, a private security guard at a factory in Saltillo, Coahuila with two daughters never returned home from work on September 12, 2011.
Not only had authorities dismissed the possibility that Esquivel had disappeared, but they also had failed to open an investigation.
The co-worker recognized the two men who took her as employees at the factory where he and Esquivel worked as guards.
He told the mother that prosecutors had never interviewed him, even though he was working with Esquivel the night she disappeared.
Esquivel has not been seen since that day.
The wife of SebastiĂĄn PĂ©rez pseudonymwho disappeared in Coahuila in August 2011, said that when she reported her husband as missing, a judicial police agent asked her how long she had been married.
When she answered 10 years, the agent told her that after ten years her husband would no longer have been faithful to her.
However, Human Rights Watch found that investigators routinely waited weeks, months, or even years before soliciting the cell phone, radio, or banking records of victims, despite evidence that accounts continued to be used and despite persistent requests from families to follow these leads.
Investigators also consistently failed to seek footage in a timely fashion from public or private surveillance cameras that may have provided relevant leads.
By the time officials requested such footage, it usually had been deleted because so much time had elapsed.
In the majority of cases we documented, victims were carrying cell phones or two-way radios commonly referred to as Nextels in Mexico, from the name of one of the providers at the time of their disappearances.
Often, these devices continued to receive link, and in some cases were answered by unidentified individuals, after victims had been abducted.
Yet when families reported this information to authorities, they said investigators were slow to act on it, if they acted at all.
Yet prosecutors and law enforcement officials did not carry out any surveillance on the ATM location, acquire security camera footage from the ATM in a timely manner, or interview people who worked in the area.
Authorities also failed to act for months on information that could have helped find Gonzalo Ribera Moncada, 41, an auto mechanic, and Horacio Sandoval Torres, 40, a construction worker.
The armed men who took him were wearing state judicial police uniforms, his co-workers later informed his family.
Shortly thereafter, Ribera received a call from kidnappers saying that they would release his father in exchange for a car—a deal he accepted.
On February 28, the kidnappers instructed Ribera to drive the car to the neighboring city of Guadalupe and then wait for instructions about a specific drop off location.
His brother-in-law, Horacio Sandoval Torres, accompanied him on the trip.
The men never returned from the journey to hand over the car.
Ribera had been carrying a Nextel on the trip, which emitted a GPS signal that his family began to trace following his disappearance.
Tracking the signal over several days, the family noticed that it was most frequently emanating from a one-block radius in Guadalupe, where they suspected Ribera and Sandoval were being held.
On March 1, the family handed this information over to Navy officials at a nearby base.
They returned days later to provide updated locations emitted from the Nextel, but the Navy officials did nothing to investigate the locations from which the GPS signal was most frequently being emitted.
By late September 2011, the family said, the Nextel stopped emitting a GPS signal.
The family of Agnolo Pabel Medina Flores, 32, who was abducted by armed men on August 2, 2010, found authorities similarly unresponsive when they provided information that could have led to finding him or the people who took him.
Medina, was taken from his home in Guadalupe, Nuevo LeĂłn, by approximately 20 armed men in camouflage on August 2, 2010, members of his family told Human Rights Watch.
He was carrying a Nextel phone at the time, which his captors used to communicate with his family to demand ransom.
Negligence, Delays, Errors, and Fabrications In nearly all of the disappearance cases we documented, we found compelling evidence that authorities had failed to carry out basic investigative steps that may have helped locate victims of disappearances or the individuals responsible for them.
Human Rights Watch found that even in those cases where justice officials carried out basic investigative steps, they often waited so long that possible leads were lost.
Witnesses moved to different places, families lost trust in prosecutors and no longer wanted to cooperate with investigations, and key evidence vanished.
In some cases, prosecutors and members of security forces fabricated evidence, such as claiming they had conducted interviews that never occurred.
For example, as detailed below, authorities investigating the disappearances of IsaĂ­as Uribe HernĂĄndez and Juan Pablo Alvarado Oliveros made a series of errors, including: failing to promptly secure the crime scene, which allowed crucial evidence to be damaged and removed; refusing to open a prompt investigation into the crime; passing the case back and forth between state and federal prosecutors; misplacing key evidence; failing to conduct adequate forensic analysis; and, in one instance, even lying about having conducted an interview or at least mistaking the identity of an interviewee in official records.
Uribe HernĂĄndez and Alvarado Oliveros, both age 30, worked at the same veterinary clinic in TorreĂłn, Coahuila.
At approximately 2:30 am, Villa Sifuentes heard gunshots outside of his home.
Bloodstains marked the passenger seat and two doors.
In a later inquiry by the National Human Rights Commission, learn more here neighbor testified to seeing soldiers in the street immediately after the shootout.
To begin with, officials did not secure the crime scene until approximately 12:30 p.
Federal prosecutors did not open an investigation into the case until April 14, 2009, nine days after the incident occurred.
The investigation was further undermined by federal and state prosecutors transferring responsibility for the case back and forth.
For example, federal prosecutors transferred the case to state prosecutors on June 10, 2009.
Investigators also misplaced key evidence in the case.
State justice officials collected 39 bullet shells at the scene of the crime on April 5.
The inspection of shell casings is relevant to determining the participation of the Army in the incident because certain bullets are used exclusively by the Armed Forces, and thus could help determine whether members of the military participated in the shootout.
However, when state prosecutors handed the investigation over to their federal counterparts, they did not hand over the shells found at the crime scene.
Months later, federal prosecutors told the families the shell casings had been sent to another state for special tests.
An examination by state forensic officials confirmed that blood was found in five locations in the car.
Investigators also fabricated evidence, lying about having conducted an interview with one relative that never occurred.
Nor have federal or state prosecutors sought to interview members of the military, despite check this out fact that the Read article admitted to having been in the neighborhood where the shootout occurred in the early hours of April 5.
The Mobile spin australia palace casino said it encountered the bullet-riddled truck, empty, but made no mention of securing the crime scene or notifying justice officials.
Another case where prosecutors failed to carry out basic investigative steps was that of Gerardo Villasana, 21, a welder from TorreĂłn, Coahuila.
When Villasana had still not come home by the next morning, his mother began to contact his friends to ask if they knew what had happened to him.
Through her own investigation, she tracked down one of the two friends who had been with Villasana the night he disappeared.
He told her that the three had gotten into a fight with another group of men at the bar, and that he had been badly wounded and needed to be taken to joueurs des de casino liste france hospital.
He did not know what had happened to Villasana, or the third friend who had been with them that night, who was also missing.
The trucks were accompanied by two pick-ups bearing the insignia of the Federal Police, the bar employee said.
The investigator responded that it was too dangerous for him to go to the neighborhood where the bar was located, let alone visit the directions pompano isle casino />He said that if the mother wanted more information, she should go there herself.
In the case of Daniel CantĂș Iris, the omissions, errors, and delays stretched over several years and several different prosecutors.
CantĂș, 23, worked for a mining company in TorreĂłn.
At approximately 9 a.
The men never arrived at their destination.
MacĂ­as died in July 2008 and the investigation was assigned to a different investigator.
Indeed, the only steps investigators took from February 2007 through May 2010 to search for the victims were interviewing a friend of CantĂș and issuing bulletins to medical and law enforcement officials to look for the missing people and their stolen vehicle, according to a report prepared by the director of the investigations in Coahuila.
She also discovered that the investigations into the disappearance of the three victims had been separated into three separate investigations, each of which was being handled by a different prosecutor, in spite of the clear tie between the cases.
State investigators also misplaced DNA evidence in the case.
Asked where it had gone, state prosecutors were unable to provide an explanation.
How Failure to Investigate Contributes Directly to More Disappearances In several cases, Human Rights Watch found evidence suggesting that the same officials—often in collaboration with criminal groups—were responsible for carrying out multiple disappearances in separate incidents.
The repeated involvement of the same perpetrators in these crimes highlights one of the consequences of inadequate investigations by justice officials and law enforcement: when prosecutors fail to find those responsible for crimes, they may fail to prevent future crimes from occurring.
David Ibarra Ovalle, 56, who owns a transportation company, and his wife, Virginia Buenrostro Romero, 52, were kidnapped by armed men on November 13, 2010, at their ranch in Cadereyta, Nuevo LeĂłn.
The kidnappers were transporting Ibarra and Buenrostro in a car at approximately 2 p.
Two of the kidnappers were killed and others escaped.
They left behind the husband and wife, blindfolded and handcuffed, in the back of the car.
Rather than free the couple, however, soldiers left their handcuffs on and made them wait roughly five hours while they secured the crime scene.
As they sat there, the husband and wife begged the Army to send soldiers to their home.
Some of the kidnappers were still hiding out there, they said, and Ibarra and Buenrostro feared that their children might go looking for them and themselves be kidnapped.
The couple had been out of touch with their children for two days—unusual for their family—and suspected their children would go to the ranch.
Upon arriving there that night, Ibarra and Buenrostro again explained they were victims, and pleaded with federal prosecutors to send police to their home.
Prosecutors refused, and would not even allow the husband and wife to call their children.
Instead, prosecutors took their testimony and then placed them in a common holding cell with criminal suspects.
They were detained from midnight until 1 p.
All three were kidnapped by the same kidnappers who had detained Ibarra and Buenrostro.
The kidnappers called Ibarra and his wife to demand ransom for their three new captives.
He was disappeared as well.
Had security forces gone to the ranch as the parents requested—rather than detaining them for a full 24 hours after they escaped their captors—they might have prevented the subsequent disappearances.
In another case, VĂ­ctor AdrĂ­an RodrĂ­guez Moreno, Heber Eusebio Reveles Ramos, and JosĂ© MarĂ­a Plancarte Sagrero—employees of an import business—disappeared in the early hours of May 11, 2009, in Coahuila.
Reveles Ramos last spoke with his brother at approximately 1 a.
It was the last contact the relatives had with any of the victims.
In the weeks after the disappearance, investigators failed to pursue leads that could have led to identifying those responsible for the crime and preventing future crimes.
For example, officials neglected to seek the cell phone records of the victims.
When they were obtained months later, the records showed that various calls had been made after the victims were abducted, which could have been used to locate those responsible.
They spotted the car parked outside of a home in the town of Compuertas, which is next to Francisco I.
Madero—where the victims had been abducted.
However, according to the families, prosecutors waited months before taking the basic step of summoning the people who lived in the home for questioning.
And during the lapse of time that investigators neglected to pursue this and other leads, four additional people disappeared at the same gas station in Francisco I.
When prosecutors—months later—finally questioned a young man who lived in the home where the car had been spotted, his testimony lead to identifying several other suspects in the case, including police officers.
Had investigators promptly and diligently pursued these and other leads, they may have prevented additional disappearances.
Instead, over the weeks following the May 11 abduction of the three men, authorities failed to take basic steps search for them, or to investigate their disappearance.
Then, approximately a month after their abduction, another disappearance following a near-identical pattern occurred in the same location.
At approximately 5:15 a.
All four of the men called their wives or partners to report that they were being stopped under unusual circumstances by police.
Arredondo also called his wife and provided the number of another police unit: 8244.
The family members of the victims made repeated trips to Coahuila in the week after their disappearance, filing complaints with state prosecutors in TorreĂłn and Saltillo.
They also pressed for a meeting with the state attorney general, JesĂșs Torres Charles, who received them on June 17 and assured them that the men would show up soon.
Throughout these efforts, the families pressed prosecutors to question the police assigned to the car units that two of the disappeared men had identified in their last calls to their relatives.
On July 8, prosecutors detained 35 police from Francisco I.
Madero for their alleged participation in the June 15 disappearances, nine of whom were later charged in the crime.
According to the testimony of a man who allegedly worked for a cartel and was questioned by state prosecutors in connection with the disappearance, the same police officers had also collaborated with members of the Zetas in disappearing Víctor Adrían Rodríguez Moreno, Heber Eusebio Réveles Ramos, and José María Plancarte Sagrero, at the same gas station in Francisco I.
Had authorities adequately investigated the initial disappearance of three civilians, they may well have prevented the second one—of four more men.
Prosecutorial Abdication of Responsibility, Transfers, and Lack of Coordination Because Mexico is a federal state, legal competency is shared between the federal government and 32 federal entities—31 states and Chartwell software casino City the Federal District.
The federal government and states also use different procedures for investigating disappearances and for determining whether federal or state prosecutors have jurisdiction to handle the case.
Federal prosecutors are empowered by law to investigate disappearances in which federal officials are alleged to have participated or been involved.
They also have jurisdiction to investigate all crimes tied to organized crime delincuencia organizadabut the definition of such crimes and the process of determining whether the definition has been met are vague and ambiguous.
Human Rights Watch found evidence that federal and state prosecutors take advantage of this dilution of responsibility and the ambiguities regarding jurisdiction to preemptively decline to investigate cases, transferring them instead to counterparts.
Such decisions are all too often taken without first conducting a preliminary inquiry into the alleged crime, which is necessary to reach a well-grounded determination of whether they have jurisdiction.
Indeed, the swiftness and regularity with which prosecutors unjustifiably claim that a case falls outside of their jurisdiction, and often redirect the investigation to counterparts, suggests that they are more concerned with avoiding adding cases to their docket than fulfilling their obligation to investigate these serious crimes.
The impact of such check this out is to delay the investigation of disappearances—a crime in which the first hours, days, and weeks are critical for gathering time-sensitive information.
An example is the case of Gerardo Heath SĂĄnchez, 17.
Heath, a high school student from Piedras Negras, Coahuila, was abducted by armed men on March 18, 2011, along with four members of the SaldĂșa family, as they stood on the lawn outside reno casino with rv parking SaldĂșa house.
On April 13, he received a response from the executive branch saying that the case had been passed to the Ministry of Public Security the federal law enforcement agency to be investigated.
Federal officials provided no explanation as to why the disappearance was initially relegated to public security officials rather than prosecutors, who are the appropriate authority to investigate crimes.
The letter informed him that his report had been directed to the Office of the Commissioner General of the Federal Police Oficina del Comisionado General de la PolicĂ­a Federaland provided a number to call if he wanted updates on its progress.
The communiqué provided no case number or additional information regarding the status of the investigation.
In none of these investigations have members of the Navy been charged.
It is not uncommon that concurrent investigations into disappearances are opened in multiple jurisdictions.
However, attorneys general, prosecutors, and law enforcement officials told Human Rights Watch that, rather than complementing one another, prosecutors from different institutions often fail to cooperate and share critical information, which undermines their ability to effectively investigate cases.
Coahuila state prosecutors were unaware of how many investigations into disappearances federal prosecutors had opened in the state, or whether any of those cases overlapped with ones they were investigating.
Then-director of public security in Coahuila, Gerardo Villarreal RĂ­os, said many local investigations had been hindered by the unwillingness of SIEDO to allow state prosecutors to interview their detainees, who state prosecutors suspected had information relevant to specific cases.
The coordinators of prosecutors from all four regions of the state of Nuevo Leon echoed this criticism.
It was especially acute, said one prosecutor, when SIEDO arrested ranking members of organized crime groups who were off limits to questioning by state prosecutors.
Authorities often asked families to take on responsibilities such as interviewing witnesses, checking the site of an abduction, and seeking information from the security forces allegedly responsible for disappearances, all with little concern for the risk such tasks implied.
A mother whose son was abducted outside of her home in March 2011 told Human Rights Watch that whenever she met with the investigator in charge of the case, he began their conversation the same way.
You have to investigate.
Daniel ObregĂłn HernĂĄndez was abducted together with more than a dozen men and boys when armed, masked men came to their neighborhood in Monterrey, Nuevo LeĂłn on July 17, 2010, and started loading young men into their trucks at gunpoint.
The prosecutor gave this advice despite the fact that evidence suggested the victims may have been disappeared in the same place, implying a serious risk for the family members.
According to the family, when they requested a police escort to accompany them to the ranch, the delegate said the most he could do was lend them police dogs.
For example, on June 28, 2011, around 4 a.
His parents and brother, who live next door and whose home was also searched without a warrant, told Human Rights Watch the members of the Navy dragged Jasso Maldonado outside and loaded him into a waiting vehicle.
The officers did not show an arrest warrant or provide information as to where they were taking him, the family said.
Instead, officials advised the family to go a neighboring Navy base to inquire into his whereabouts, as well as to visit other police stations and Army bases in the area.
Some families followed the advice of prosecutors to visit the offices of security forces, only to find that their inquiries resulted directly in threats and harassment from authorities.
Patricio Gutierrez Cruz pseudonym —17, a lathe operator—was arbitrarily detained around 6 p.
He had left his home five minutes earlier to play soccer with friends, his mother said, who had been home at the time.
Two other men detained in the same raid were also never seen again, their families told Human Rights Watch.
She was taken in to speak with the chief; she told him that her son had been detained by municipal police, and asked where he had been taken.
He denied his officers had carried out any operations in her neighborhood.
For example, four friends— Moises Gamez Almanza, 24, Marco Antonio Coronado Castillo, 24, Julio CĂ©sar Coronado Noriega, 18, and Luis Francisco Medina RodrĂ­guez, 24—were abducted at approximately 12:30 a.
The Gamez family waited a day and a half before reporting the crime, out of hope that the abductors would call for ransom, and then decided to go to the police.
While she was at their offices reporting the threat, she received another call from the alleged kidnappers, threatening her for having told authorities about the ransom request.
We are going to kill your son.
Besides the suspect timing and targeting of the ransom call, and the aggressive advice of the police that the family should pay the ransom, other irregularities pointed to police involvement in the extortion.
On October 14, while the Gamez family was waiting for a follow-up phone call from the alleged kidnappers, judicial police officers arrived unannounced at their home and asked to come in.
Minutes later, the kidnappers called again, telling the family to pay the ransom if they did not want their son to be killed.
The family never heard from the kidnappers again, and neither Gamez nor his three friends were ever seen again.
Impact on Families of Disappeared Persons Relatives of the Disappeared: the Right to Truth and the Open-Ended Anguish of Not Knowing Authorities have a special obligation in cases of enforced disappearance to provide information to the victims' relatives.
Human Rights Committee has held that state failure to pursue cases casino states draftkings provide information about the fate of a disappeared person to families can inflict extreme anguish upon relatives of the disappeared, which make them victims of the violation as well.
In the case of Quinteros v.
In these respects, she too is a victim of the violations of the Covenant suffered by her daughter in particular, of article 7.
In the November 2009 ruling in the case of Radilla Pacheco v.
Rosendo Radilla, his disappearance has had a traumatic and differentiated impact on the family as a whole due to the forced restructuring of roles of each one of its members with the evident effects on each of their life projects.
Rosendo Radilla MartĂ­nez and Mrs.
Andrea Radilla MartĂ­nez offered statements in that sense.
They were also driven by the belief that if they did not take up the search themselves and constantly press authorities to do their job, no one would look for their loved ones—a belief that was reinforced by the lackluster, flawed work of prosecutors.
For relatives, not knowing what has happened to a loved one is a source of perpetual anguish.
They describe worrying constantly about whether their relatives are alive and whether they are suffering, and they feel powerlessness to help.
The emotional and psychological consequences of this suffering are severe.
Relatives reported depression, insomnia, feelings of social isolation, and physical effects like exhaustion.
Many also described symptoms consistent with post-traumatic stress disorder, such as fear of leaving home or—in the case of relatives who were present when abductions took place—fear of returning to the locations where they occurred.
Many families said they were unable to resume their lives while the whereabouts of their relatives remained unknown, which they described as a never-ending reservoir of suffering.
The mother of Claudia Rizada Rodríguez—26, who was disappeared in June 2011—told Human Rights Watch: It is psychological torture to always be thinking about where your family member is, what happened to her, and what conditions she is in.
And it affects your life too, which will never be the same.
If they are torturing him.
If he has eaten anything yet.
Even reminding us of him hurts our hearts.
This is a source of even greater pain.
A sense of powerlessness.
For example, Víctor Manuel Rolon Rodríguez, 51, a US resident, was working for an oil company in Houston, Texas, when he learned that his nephew— Adrián Domínguez Rolon, 33, a federal police officer—had disappeared in Uruapan, Michoacán, on February 17, 2011.
VĂ­ctor had spoken almost daily with his nephew on the phone, and was devastated by his disappearance.
Originally planning to stay briefly, when he spoke to Human Rights Watch in Mexico in September 2012, he had stayed over a year.
I lost my job.
I lost a car I was paying down.
I lost decades of my savings, which I spent my way through.
I lost my home because I stopped paying hard rock casino marysville mortgage.
But I left all of those things aside, because for me family is first.
With time, I will see what I can do to fix my other problems.
VĂ­ctor recognized the serious toll the search had taken on his own life, emotionally and financially.
But he said one of the main reasons he could not give up looking was his certainty that, without his pressure and monitoring, authorities would do nothing to search for his nephew.
VĂ­ctor was concerned that his search had placed his hard-earned US residency at risk, through a combination of unfortunate events.
He had received a speeding ticket shortly before leaving Houston to search for his nephew, and had been given a date to answer for the infraction in court.
But he had failed to return to the US for the date, on account of not wanting to leave Mexico until he had found his nephew.
Having missed a court date, and without his identification cards, he believed that he might not be allowed back into the United States.
But it was a price he was willing to pay to continue the search for his nephew, he said.
Cantero and the other men were abducted shortly after leaving their community with a coyote, or smuggler, whom they had paid to transport them to the United States without papers.
If I die, everything ends there.
We have tried to be strong.
Because it feels terrible to come home from work and not see my brother there.
To come home and see my mother crying.
To come home and see that my father is just sitting in the rocking chair, doing nothing else, without saying a word.
The disappearance of a loved one can also lead to painful disputes among surviving family members, which exacerbate the anguish experienced from a disappearance.
For example, Diana CantĂș GarcĂ­a, 55—whose son Daniel CantĂș Iris disappeared in 2007—said her husband and other children told her that her search for her son had taken over her life and advised her to move on.
I would have done the same for you.
Rosario Villanueva Rocha said that after months of searching for her son Oscar Herrera Rocha, 25, who disappeared in June 2009 with three co-workers, she fell into a deep depression.
She said she was so depressed that she spent over a month in bed, and had to seek psychological treatment.
She said that she did not leave her home for two months, abandoning her previously active lifestyle and severing all contact with friends.
Families of victims—particularly those who were present when their relatives were abducted—described living in constant fear that they or another relative would be disappeared next.
We are all afraid—even when we are stopped by a traffic cop.
You cannot trust any authority.
They said it was very difficult to explain to children what it means for the fate of a person to be unknown, or that a parent may never return.
Parents and caretakers described feeling torn about how much to tell children, especially young children, and how to balance the desire to give them hope with the likelihood that parents would not return.
For example, not long after Agnolo Pabel Medina Flores, 32, disappeared in August 2010, his two children, ages 10 and 8, both began to show signs of depression, members of his family said.
The boy was very close with his uncle, whom he knew had been abducted by local police.
In addition, the boy knew his mother had subsequently been threatened for trying to pursue the case, and feared another relative would be taken next.
Whenever his mother was about to separate from him, even for short periods, the boy started to cry accept. casino salsa dance congratulate beg her not to leave.
He began to urinate in his bed nightly, and was terrified whenever he saw police.
It is not only young children who are article source by disappearances.
HĂ©ctor Armando Tapia Osollo—46, a civil engineer—was taken from his home by men wearing Federal Police uniforms around 1:45 a.
The daughter of Tapia and Mireles, age 17, who was in high school at the time, was profoundly changed by the incident, her mother said.
She did not tell anyone that her father had disappeared, out of fear they would assume her father was a criminal something people presumed when a person was killed or disappeared.
She asked her mother not to tell anyone what had happened either, and pressed her to give up her search for her father, which she feared would end in her death.
In several cases documented by Human Rights Watch, disappearances led to children being separated from their siblings, further exacerbating their ongoing emotional hardship.
For example, when single mother Mónica Isabel Esquivel Castillo, 22—a private security guard—was abducted in Saltillo, Coahuila, in September 2011, she left behind two children, ages 8 and 2.
The sisters only see each other once every few weeks, according to their grandmother.
In other cases, children were sent to different relatives to distribute the time and cost of raising them among members of the families.
And when families report disappearances, they are subject to threats and attacks, particularly in cases where evidence points to the involvement of members of the military and police.
These attacks not only sow fear among casino santa cruz de la sierra medicina families targeted, but also terrorize other relatives of the disappeared who learn about the attacks and may be dissuaded from taking similar actions out of fear.
Mexico has obligations under the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance to ensure not only the right to report the facts of a disappearance to the competent authorities and a prompt, thorough impartial investigation of the report, but also to take measures to protect anyone—including the complainant—participating in the investigation, from any ill-treatment or intimidation as a consequence of the complaint.
She told Human Rights Watch that, shortly before the attack, a neighbor saw a white car idling on her street accompanied by a truck marked with Navy insignia; the neighbor said it was the white truck that fired on the house.
Villaseñor said she believes she was targeted in retaliation for her public criticism of the Navy.
According to Raymundo Ramos Våzquez, a lawyer from the human rights organization that represents Villaseñor and some of the other families whose relatives disappeared in Tamaulipas, the attack had an immediate chilling effect on other families of the missing.
Several families of disappeared individuals, he said, subsequently chose to dial back their efforts or gave up their demands for accountability in the cases of their relatives.
The relative said that the man, who never identified himself, asked if the family had filed a formal complaint.
Something could happen to you or your children.
In the first week of April 2010, his family went to judicial police to file a formal complaint.
However, the chief, DarĂ­o de la Rosa, said he was too busy to attend to them and told them to come back another day.
Julio CĂ©sar is next.
On March 1, 2010, Francis Alejandro García Orozco, 32, Lenin Vladimir Pita Barrera, 18, Sergio Indiana casino harrahs Landa, 22, Olimpo Hernåndez Villa, 34, Andrés Antonio Orduña Våzquez, 21, and Zozimo Chacón Jiménez, 22, were abducted from the nightclub in Iguala, Guerrero, where they worked.
Strong evidence points to the participation of members of the Army in the crime, including video camera footage showing what appear to be military vehicles participating in the abduction, an eyewitness account and official complaint that put soldiers at the scene of the crime that night, and statements by the military acknowledging that it had contact with the victims that night.
When he tried to evade the vehicle, it repeatedly crashed into the back of his car and tried to force him off the road.
Families who have continued to publicly denounce the case have suffered ongoing harassment.
Laura Estela GarcĂ­a Orozcothe sister of Francis Alejandro GarcĂ­a Orozco, has been among the most active in making public calls for soldiers to be investigated.
On November 21, 2012, six armed soldiers stopped outside of the business she owns and began to take photos and video with a handheld camera, she said.
In some cases, family members of victims have themselves been accused by authorities of being involved or of hiding information about their relatives.
She flew to TorreĂłn the next morning and drove immediately to the base, where soldiers told her she had to report to a different Army base, in Lerdo, Durango.
Not only must families here to the abrupt loss of income, but also the potential loss of basic social services that are tied to employment of the disappeared person.
In order to maintain access to these services, families are forced to go through a slow, costly process of having their loved one declared absent or deceased, which aggravates their suffering.
Despite the requirements of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance that appropriate steps are taken to regularize the legal situation of the relatives in fields such as social welfare, families of the disappeared in Mexico face a daunting and expensive bureaucratic route to guarantee continued security in the wake of a relative being disappeared.
The overwhelming majority of persons disappeared in cases documented by Human Rights Watch were working class men with families.
These men were commonly the principal wage earners in households with several children.
When they went missing, their dependents often had to take immediate measures to adapt to the loss of income and provide for dependents, such as moving in with relatives are 3 new casinos in new york consider taking on new jobs.
This economic impact was exacerbated by the suspension of fundamental social services provided by the government, some of which are conditioned on the employment of a member of the household.
When people had been missing for weeks or months, their employers often terminated their jobs, putting access to these services in jeopardy.
As a result, families not only abruptly lost the income of the disappeared person, but also access to health coverage, childcare, and housing subsidies.
In other cases, authorities abruptly stopped providing pensions and social security to the spouses of the disappeared.
Among the social services most commonly jeopardized by the disappearance of the sole working member of a household, according to the families, are those offered by the Mexican Institute of Social Security Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social, or IMSS.
IMSS provides medical, educational, and childcare services, some of which are contingent on the employment of a parent.
According to dozens of families interviewed by Human Rights Watch, when the family member upon whose job such services disappeared, families found their access to certain programs at risk.
Those who sought exemptions to maintain their access to parts of IMSS, INFONAVIT, and other programs conditional upon employment found themselves confronting an opaque and slow-moving bureaucracy, which often failed to take into account their exceptional circumstances.
The request may not be submitted until two years after the representative has been appointed by the judge.
These efforts are made every fifteen days for three months.
It too requires a legal representative to submit an application, and a judge to approve it.
The cost of the lengthy process, which requires families to hire a lawyer, is considerable, especially for poor families.
In addition, obligating a family to request that the government declare a disappeared person dead forces relatives to settle on the fate of a loved one whose whereabouts remain unknown, relatives told Human Rights Watch, which exacerbates their suffering.
In effect, families must choose between a fate they do not believe is true and losing access to basic services.
For example, when 20 men who worked for a construction firm disappeared after being detained by municipal police in PesquerĂ­a, Nuevo LeĂłn, on May 28, 2011, their families faced extreme difficulties in maintaining critical social services.
The men had been building the foundations for new homes prior to their disappearances.
The owner responded that the families should be grateful for what they had received.
Yet seeking such recognition, she discovered, required enlisting a lawyer to file a petition on her behalf—another expense for which she did not have money.
She felt it betrayed her hope that he was still alive and would signal to her husband that she had given up on finding him.
Nonetheless, she felt she had no other choice.
I have to divide up a glass of milk between visit web page />She told Human Rights Watch: I am making miracles every day to get by.
People are helping us survive.
When my children want a can of juice, even that is difficult, so I have to try to sell something.
I earn very little every week.
They want to take away our home.
My children are almost without food.
Now they are going to be without a roof.
She said many of the other wives of the men who disappeared in PesquerĂ­a who had small children were suffering the same hardships.
Retired military officer Ernesto Cordero Anguiano, 37, was one of eight men disappeared on December 6, 2010.
The men were returning from a hunting trip in Zacatecas when they were by municipal police and handed over to members of an organized crime group, according to a man and a child who were abducted with them and escaped.
She had initiated the legal process of seeking such recognition, but at the time she spoke to Human Rights Watch in September 2012, had not received recognition.
The wife of a retired public school teacher in Matamoros, Coahuila—whose husband disappeared in October 2008 after armed men abducted him from their home—said that she was unable to obtain payments from his government pension provided by ISSTEbecause they were made out to her husband.
However, she did not want to ask for such recognition, which she viewed as a sign of giving up hope that her husband was alive.
The families affected were not limited to Mexico.
For example, five of the victims of disappearances documented by Human Rights Watch had families in the US who were also significantly impacted by the violence.
Geraldo Acosta RodrĂ­guez, 32, a naturalized US citizen from Mexico, idea venetian casino floor necessary a warehouse for beauty products in Los Angeles, where he lived with his wife and two daughters, 9 and 7.
In August casinos left in atlantic city, he returned to his native city of Saltillo, Coahuila, together with his brother— Gualberto Acosta Rodríguez, 33, who also lived in Los Angeles—to visit their sick mother in the hospital.
As a result of the loss of his income, his family could no longer make the payments on their home in California, which 777 thackerville ok 73459 bank foreclosed upon.
The main services that PROVÍCTIMA offers to victims, according to its mandate, are: accompaniment in the search for missing people, medical assistance, psychological assistance, legal advice, and social work.
The mandate of PROVÍCTIMA sets out worthy goals for ensuring the rights and improving the welfare of victims, and its creation in 2011 demonstrated awareness on the part of the government that it needed to improve its performance in these critical areas.
Nonetheless, the majority of the relatives of the disappeared interviewed by Human Rights Watch had not had any contact with PROVÍCTIMA and had limited understanding of the services it offered.
Meanwhile, the more than 30 families who had sought the assistance of PROVÍCTIMA uniformly said that its officials failed to fulfill concrete commitments they had made to families—such as medical aid and small business grants.
Roberto Oropeza Villa, 24, disappeared along with 11 coworkers from a paint selling company in Piedras Negras, Coahuila, in March 2009.
She said officials from PROVÍCTIMA told her they would assist her with the costs of her medicine and an emergency operation to treat her hyperthyroidism.
But she said agency officials did not deliver on either commitment.
As a result, he stopped attending meetings with PROVÍCTIMA.
The families of several of the men who disappeared on the same hunting trip told Human Rights Watch that therapists and social workers from PROVÍCTIMA gave them similar advice.
As a result, in May 2012 Pablo and the other relatives of disappeared hunters sent a joint letter to PROVÍCTIMA renouncing all psychological assistance from the agency, they said.
Families of 22 disappeared men from the community of San Luis de la Paz, Guanajuato— who were abducted along with their smuggler in March 2011 as they attempted to travel to the United States—described collective and individual meetings where representatives of PROVÍCTIMA blamed the disappeared for their fate or insulted their families.
Many of the families who met with a PROVÍCTIMA psychologist said she told them that the men had likely joined a criminal gang, or started a new one—a conclusion she reached simply from the fact that the victims had disappeared in a group.
The psychologist advised the families to accept the fact that their loved ones were dead, even though no remains had been found and the families wanted to continue searching, the families said.
PROVÍCTIMA officials also promised to provide several mothers—who became the sole breadwinners in their families after the disappearances of husbands and partners—with small business grants and job opportunities, yet the families told Human Rights Watch that only a few women received help.
When, in a subsequent meeting, the wives and mothers of the disappeared expressed frustration about the lack of job opportunities and grants, the PROVÍCTIMA official accused the family members of being too lazy to work and expecting the government to do everything for them.
María Angela Juárez Ramírez, whose husband Valentín Alamilla Camacho was among the disappeared men from San Luis de la Paz, said that an official noticed she was pregnant at a meeting with representatives with PROVÍCTIMA several months after the disappearances.
The wife responded that she had been pregnant before her husband disappeared, and that in any case it was insulting and inappropriate for the official to pass judgment like that.
A Promising New Approach: the Case of Nuevo LeĂłn Nuevo LeĂłn is one of the states that has registered the greatest number of disappearances in recent years.
A local human rights group based in Monterrey, Nuevo León—Citizens in Support of Human Rights Ciudadanos en Apoyo a los Derechos Humanos, CADHAC —received reports of 1,007 disappearances in the state from 2009 to the end all juego maquinitas casino gratis think 2012.
In 2010 and 2011, Human Rights Watch carried out several fact-finding visits to Nuevo LeĂłn to investigate abuses committed by security forces.
The climate of near-total impunity observed during those visits was similar to what we had found in several other states of Mexico affected by drug violence.
Despite clear evidence of widespread abuses, state authorities adamantly denied that such crimes had occurred, and failed to prosecute the members of security forces who had committed them.
As a result, victims and their families grew deeply disillusioned with authorities.
Not only was working with investigators unlikely to produce results, but it also could be extremely dangerous, given the criminal ties of many officials.
For their part, even the most courageous and well-intentioned prosecutors—operating in an environment of rampant corruption—had almost no incentive to tackle these cases.
In a vicious cycle of distrust and dysfunction, the less that victims and authorities collaborated in solving these crimes, the more entrenched the climate of impunity became.
Then came the shift.
Under considerable pressure and media attention, state officials received the families and agreed to work with them in investigating disappearances.
At first, both sides were distrustful.
And families, in turn, began to collaborate more openly with prosecutors.
The combination of real efforts by prosecutors and the guiding hand of families gave rise to a new dynamic, which allowed investigations to move forward for the first time in years.
Progress in individual investigations, however small, made it possible to believe that these horrific crimes, many of which appeared to implicate state agents, could be solved.
And the more investigations advanced, the more other victims came forward.
For their part, prosecutors took the solid investigative tactics and skills they learned working on one case or another and applied them to the rest of the disappearances on their docket.
While progress in the investigations has been limited, and very few of the disappeared have been found, the step of breaking through a climate of disillusionment and distrust is real.
Indeed, in a decade of documenting flawed and lackluster investigations of human rights violations in Mexico, the subset of cases in Nuevo LeĂłn represents one of the first times Human Rights Watch has ever seen proper investigations.
In that way, the working process in Nuevo LeĂłn provides a blueprint for how some of the greatest obstacles to investigating not only disappearances, but all human rights violations in Mexico, can be overcome.
This progress, though, is fragile and limited.
Only a tiny fraction of disappearances in Nuevo LeĂłn have received such attention.
In addition, even in those investigations in which this unique collaborative method speaking, lauberge casino buffet menu doesn't been applied, families have at times grown disillusioned by the reality that many of their loved ones are still missing, and their fates unknown.
Javier Sicilia and Emilio Álvarez Icaza, two of the leaders of the Movimiento, and Sister Consuelo Morales, who directs a local human rights group called Citizens in Support of Human Rights Ciudadanos en Apoyo a los Derechos Humanos, CADHAC —voiced the frustrations of many of those gathered with the lack of investigation into disappearances and other crimes by local authorities.
Then, families of the disappeared began to present their cases to the attorney general.
Of all of those present, only 11 families were able to present their cases that night.
The first several meetings were collective ones.
En estas primeras reuniones los familiares, lloraban y casi no lograban manifestar su exigencia concreta de avance en las investigaciones.
As a result, the participants decided to change the approach.
According to the new format, each family would meet individually with the prosecutor agente del ministerio pĂșblico assigned to investigating their case, and the regional coordinator coordinador who was overseeing it.
A human rights defender from CADHAC would also attend every meeting.
Building on the information obtained through these efforts, families and investigators would come up with additional leads, thereby advancing the investigation meeting by meeting.
Overcoming Distrust and Strengthening Investigative Practices Initially, according to all three groups of participants, there was significant resistance to working together, driven by mutual suspicion and distrust.
And we at CADHAC constantly distrusted authorities.
The anger from the families and CADHAC regarding the negligence and lack of interest with which the investigations had been handled could be felt in the review of every case.
And the frustration expressed in the presentations of the prosecutors led to moments of tension.
After four or five meetings, however, distrust and defensiveness on the part of the participants began to dissipate.
One of the keys to the breakthrough was that prosecutors actually began to investigate the cases thoroughly and with greater urgency, which earned them greater trust from families and human rights defenders.
I would just read the cases and file them away.
Trust was also built through collaboration between prosecutors and human rights defenders.
Here, again, initial resistance on the part of prosecutors gave way to a stronger working rapport.
The outcome, according to prosecutors and human rights defenders, was a gradual shift towards more thorough, transparent investigations.
Prosecutors and human rights defenders made other changes to the dialogue process to improve the effectiveness of investigations.
These added meetings helped prosecutors identify possible links between cases, such as disappearances that seemed to implicate the same officials or criminal cells.
Furthermore, putting all the coordinators and defenders together allowed them to share best investigative practices and ideas to overcome common obstacles, such as the most effective way to compel telephone companies to provide the cell phone records of victims, coordinators said.
Finally, the meetings provided another joint continue reading mechanism that helped ensure prosecutors were fulfilling their duties.
At this writing, the manual is still a work in progress.
The manual is essential to ensuring that the institutional knowledge and good practices that have been developed by the current attorney general, coordinators, and prosecutors are passed along to their successors.
Now all of that is done by default.
For example, earlier drafts of the reform did not allow for sanctioning authorities who authorized or contributed to enforced disappearances through complicity or acquiescence; rather, they limited accountability to officials who participated directly in enforced disappearances.
Besides failing to comply with international standards, this overly narrow definition would have greatly limited the ability of prosecutors to investigate authorities who had full knowledge that enforced disappearances were taking place and failed to do something.
This mistake was corrected in the reform that was signed into law in December.
In flagrante detentions detenciĂłn por flagrancia in Mexican law are allegedly carried out when a perpetrator is caught in the act of committing a crime, and unlike other arrests may be performed without first obtaining a judicial warrant.
Then, to justify such arrests, officials often point to ambiguous, subjective signs that neither tie suspects to specific crimes nor merit immediate detention.
Such definitions give security forces disproportionate discretion that may result in arbitrary arrests, fostering conditions in which enforced disappearances are more likely to occur.
In a December 2012, state legislators in Nuevo LeĂłn reformed the law to remove the provision allowing for flagrancia detentions up to 60 hours after the crime occurred.
Judicial police carry out field investigations for prosecutors through activities such as canvassing for witnesses and visiting crime scenes.
Prosecutors told Human Rights Watch in October 2012 that the appointed police had proved much more competent and trustworthy than other judicial police, and that they were developing genuine expertise in investigating disappearances.
In November 2012, de la Garza doubled the team to 10 judicial police, and he has said he plans to add more in 2013.
Results from Better Investigations Improvements in investigative methods and institutional reforms have led to concrete advances in the investigations of cases of disappearances.
Seven cases out of fifty is only a modest proportion of cases with suspects charged, and charging people does not necessarily mean they committed the crime in question or will eventually be found guilty by a judge.
For example, Israel Arenas Durán, 17, Adrián Nava Cid, 23, and brothers Gabriel and Reynaldo García Álvarez—who worked at a plant nursery in Juárez, Nuevo León—disappeared on the night of June 17, 2011, after going for drinks at a bar.
That night, Israel Arenas had called his brother from the bar and asked him to bring extra money so he could pay a tab.
In October 2011, a new prosecutor was assigned to the case, and a coordinator, Eduardo Ayala, was tasked with overseeing it.
When prosecutors carried out this basic step, they uncovered critical new information.
Upon investigating the bar where the four men had been the night they were abducted, the coordinator in charge of the case told Human Rights Watch, investigators found signs that pointed to collaboration between the bar owner read article organized crime.
Investigators eventually summoned the owner and workers from the bar for questioning, and confirmed that the four victims had been there on the night they disappeared.
They also discovered that the victims and the owner had gotten into an argument over the bill, which ended with the four men leaving the bar.
The case pointed to a sinister collaboration between a criminal group and local police.
Three suspects have been formally charged in the crime and are awaiting trial, additional suspects have been detained, and investigators have pieced together a credible motive in the crime, which may eventually help determine the fate of the disappeared men.
His mother eventually filed a complaint in October 2010, but she said prosecutors and law enforcement officials did virtually nothing to investigate, and she lost confidence in officials.
The coordinator overseeing the casinos in or said that at first the family was distrustful of the prosecutor assigned to the case—given their negative previous experiences—and reluctant to share information.
They handed over a map of the signals to prosecutors.
State investigators also carried out basic steps that previous investigators had neglected, such as interviewing possible witnesses from the night of the detention.
The officer was detained by judicial police in September 2012.
Even in several disappearance cases where prosecutors have not yet charged suspects or determined the fate of the missing people, they have made advances through solid fact-finding work, such as disqualifying certain suspects, identifying others, or determining the last locations where victims were seen or their final phone calls.
In each case, prosecutors reported back to the families on a series of investigative tasks they had been assigned in their previous meeting.
Where new leads had emerged, they shared them with the families and agreed on next steps.
And where other leads failed to produce new information, they informed families.
The tone of the discussion was constructive and allowed the families to ask questions and make suggestions.
In the few instances where investigators had failed to complete tasks they had been assigned, or had performed them inadequately, they were held to book by both families and the coordinators.
Remaining Challenges and Shortcomings For all of the progress that has been made in investigating disappearances in Nuevo LeĂłn, the challenges that remain to effectively investigating disappearances and finding those who have gone missing are daunting.
click here of the most persistent obstacles to the efforts of prosecutors, human rights defenders, and families investigating disappearances is the lack of cooperation, competence, and trustworthiness of other authorities whose input is crucial to investigations.
These include corrupt local police who obstruct investigations, federal prosecutors who refuse to provide state investigators with access to federal detainees who may have relevant information to cases, and authorities from neighboring states who fail to fulfill basic information requests.
For instance, a prosecutor told Human Rights Watch that he had repeatedly asked officials from a neighboring municipal police department to that casinos that accept paste and pay join him with the patrol records which indicate the officers who were working on a given day for a night when a disappearance had occurred.
Witnesses interviewed by the prosecutor suggested that police had abducted the victims, and the prosecutor wanted to determine which officers had been on duty that night, so that he could call them in for questioning.
For two months, despite repeated requests, police officials refused to provide the prosecutor with the patrol records for that night.
When he called to insist, they said they would send them along immediately, only to then delay further.
Eventually, the attorney general called police to demand the records for the prosecutor—and still police officials failed to send them.
When, approximately three months after they were requested, the records were eventually handed over, the prosecutor identified the two officers who had been on duty during the night of the disappearance.
However, when he told the police he wanted to question the two officers, he was told that they had quit suddenly, one week earlier.
The officers had fled town and the prosecutor has been unable to locate them ever since.
Given the severe hardship and history of setbacks with authorities endured by families who have lost a loved one, such disillusionment is understandable.
Nonetheless, it makes investigating challenging cases even more difficult.
In part, this is the result of limited resources.
At current staffing levels—and with crime rates as high as they are in Nuevo León—it would be impossible for prosecutors to dedicate the same amount of attention to hundreds of additional disappearances.
These errors continue to undermine efforts to punish those responsible, find missing persons, and prevent disappearances from occurring.
An Alternative Approach: the Case of Coahuila Nuevo LeĂłn is one of a handful of states where families of the disappeared and civil society groups have successfully pressed authorities to develop new strategies to address the problem of disappearances.
In January 2012, a month after taking office, he acknowledged publicly that more than 1,600 people had disappeared in Coahuila since 2007.
The state government has taken steps to address the problem, at times in collaboration with civil society.
In these endeavors, the state government has collaborated—sometimes enthusiastically, other times reluctantly—with the families of disappeared persons and international organizations.
Unfortunately, the Coahuila government has at times fallen short in its implementation of these important pledges.
For example, in January 2012, Coahuila state legislators reformed the state criminal code to add the crime of enforced disappearance—a crucial step to effectively prosecute these cases.
However, the definition of enforced disappearance included in the criminal code is not consistent with international human rights standards—a consequence, in part, of the failure of local authorities to rely on the text of international treaties that Mexico has signed and ratified.
Among its many flaws, the new provision establishes an overly narrow definition of what constitutes an enforced disappearance, failing to include disappearances that are carried out by private persons with the acquiescence of state agents.
Nor is the new provision explicit, as international standards stipulate, that enforced disappearances are continuing crimes and any statutes of limitations placed on their prosecution should not begin to run until the crime is complete i.
In response, President CalderĂłn told Human Remarkable hotels casinos laughlin nevada useful Watch that his administration would review every case documented in the report, as well as the subsequent investigation or lack thereof of those cases, to determine whether authorities had committed human rights violations.
He also said his administration would review and consider all of the general recommendations in the report.
CalderĂłn proposed creating a joint commission with Visit web page Rights Watch to fulfill these commitments, which california legal casino weddings in accepted.
On November 10, Human Rights Watch met with officials from the Foreign Ministry to discuss the mandate of the commission.
In the following months, the CalderĂłn administration sent contradictory messages on human rights.
In a detailed response Human Rights Watch sent to Poiré reproduced in annex of this report on March 1, 2012, we rebutted each of his allegations.
We had good reason for concluding that the practice was systematic.
All of these authorities were duly cited throughout the report.
Where official accounts were lacking, we argued, it was due to the fact that some authorities either refused to respond to our queries, or provided incomplete or false information when they did.
These and other unfounded allegations, Human Rights Watch argued, could well be construed as evidence that the CalderĂłn administration was not taking seriously its legal obligation to investigate and punish the human rights violations documented in our report.
Nevertheless, in the interest of obtaining justice for the victims whose cases we had documented and helping spur development of a public security strategy that would help reduce such widespread human rights violations, Human Rights Watch expressed its willingness to continue with the government on the commission.
To this end, representatives of Human Rights Watch met twice with Poiré in March and April 2012.
For example, officials presented Human Rights Watch with a list that they said contained every case mentioned in Neither Rights Nor Security, for which they claimed to have assembled up to date information on whether investigations had been opened, and if so, what their status was.
However, the list excluded scores of cases from the report, which Human Rights Watch identified for the officials, notably including 57 cases of torture that were not featured on the list.
For example, in dozens of cases, ministry officials claimed that no investigations had been opened into cases for which Neither Rights Nor Security had cited investigations by number, date, and investigative body.
Subsequent exchanges with officials on the commission reflected a similar lack of due diligence.
For example, in May 2012 officials from the Ministry of the Interior sent Human Rights Watch two lists of victims whose cases were documented in Neither Rights Nor Security or provided to officials by Human Rights Watch in later meetings.
Specifically, the Ministry of the Interior claimed that investigations into alleged human rights violations had not been opened into the cases of 67 victims whose names were included on lists it sent to Human Rights Watch.
For instance, the ministry claimed there was no investigation open into the enforced disappearance and extrajudicial killing of four civilians—Juan Carlos Chavira, Dante Castillo, RaĂșl Navarro, and Felix Vizcarra—by municipal police in Ciudad JuĂĄrez, Chihuahua, in March 2011.
The case had also been covered in the press at that time.
Information regarding this and other cases could easily have been obtained by the Ministry of the Interior from public databases or through inquiries by the ministry with relevant justice officials.
In other words, approximately six months after Human Rights Watch provided federal and state authorities with compelling evidence of serious human rights violations, prosecutors had failed to open investigations into scores of them.
This implies a serious lapse on the part of authorities.
Either officials from the Calderón administration and the governors of the five states covered by the report—who were provided with copies of the report—failed to fulfill their obligation to pass on credible reports of crimes to prosecutors, or they reported the alleged crimes and prosecutors failed to open investigations into them.
Failure of the Federal Government to Develop National Databases of the Disappeared and Unidentified Remains The Importance of Registries of the Disappeared and Unidentified Bodies to Searches and Investigations Human Rights Watch has repeatedly called on the federal government to establish a comprehensive national database of the disappeared that includes data to help identify and search for missing persons.
In addition, we have recommended the government create a searchable registry of unidentified bodies, which would also include all relevant physical information in a standardized, easy-to-use format.
Where possible, this registry should include the same informational categories as the database of the disappeared, in order to maximize the ease and utility of comparing the two databases, and to search for matches between missing persons and unidentified remains.
Similar recommendations have also been made by the UN Working Group on Enforced Disappearances, among other institutions.
A primary reason for establishing a comprehensive, accurate database of the disappeared is that it is a crucial tool for searching for disappeared people at the national level.
For example, the names in the database could be checked against the records of hospitals, morgues, prisons, and border crossings around Mexico.
Consequently, most authorities who receive complaints do not share the information at all, while those who do attempt to share it lack a systematic protocol that would help them to determine what information to share and with whom to share it.
Instead they take an ad hoc approach, in the best cases having to transmit notices individually to all 32 federal entities and federal institutions—an inefficient process.
Furthermore, if the government were to develop a registry of the disappeared in conjunction with a database of unidentified bodies or remains—and the two databases included uniform, comprehensive, and reliable information that could be used to identify individuals such as DNA, tattoos, and other physical characteristics —the registries could be used to match unidentified remains with missing people.
It is reasonable to presume that hundreds if not thousands of these remains belong to individuals whose families have reported them as disappeared, and are currently searching for them.
However, while the federal government has proven its capacity to set up national databases of stolen cars and of police officers with criminal records, it has failed to set up similar registries for the disappeared or unidentified bodies.
Due to the lack of these federal registries, families who want to search for their loved ones at a national level are forced travel from state to state leading their own searches.
These relatives make such journeys, they told Human Rights Watch, because prosecutors in their own states have informed them there is no way to transmit genetic across states.
Similarly, families routinely visit hospitals, prisons, and morgues to inquire after their loved ones.
Such journeys are costly, time-consuming, and often dangerous, and they exact a high emotional toll on families, whose hopes are raised each time that they might finally find the remains of loved ones.
Flaws and Delays in Efforts by the CalderĂłn Government to Develop National Registries In spite of clear evidence of mounting disappearances, indications that federal and state governments lack the tools to coordinate investigations at a national level, and the recommendations of monitoring organizations, the CalderĂłn administration for years did not attempt to set up a national database of the disappeared.
Then, on December 9, 2011 President CalderĂłn publicly committed to creating a national database of the disappeared and a searchable registry of unidentified bodies.
He said the national databases would be finished in the first or second trimester of 2012.
In March 2012, Congress passed the Law of the National Registry of Missing or Disappeared Persons Ley del Registro Nacional de Datos de Personas Extraviadas o Desaparecidaswhich entered into force on April 17.
This may be related to an international or non-international armed conflict, an internal situation of violence or civil disorder, a natural disaster, or any other circumstance that might require intervention by pertinent public authorities.
For one, it mixes two very different types of cases—the missing and the disappeared—only the latter of which involves the criminal act of taking a person against his will and subsequently concealing information about his fate.
While in some cases two categories may overlap and some cross-listing may be required if the categories were separatedin many cases they do not overlap.
Therefore, combining them without clear delineation undermines the efficacy of the database as an investigative tool, and as a means of identifying patterns that are key to prevention.
López said that building a unified national registry had been complicated by the fact that, prior to 2012, federal institutions and states all had different systems for registering disappearances assuming they had a system for registering disappearances at all—many states did not.
At the time of writing, many of these databases still exist.
And each database has its own definition of who constitutes a disappeared person, how cases are reported self-reported versus received by authorities, for exampleand what information is gathered for each case.
As a result, his unit could not simply insert the data provided into a federal database.
The database-in-progress was first reported on by the Washington Post on November 29, 2012, and a version of it was publicly posted on the Internet on December 20 by a nongovernmental organization, which had received a copy from a journalist at the Los Angeles Times.
The most extensive version of the database—the one made public on the internet—contains 20,851 names, with detailed information.
Human Rights Watch was also provided with a second database, which includes over 16,250 names.
While smaller and older than the database of 21,000 names released on the Internet, the earlier version contains some information that was redacted from the version that was leaked to the general public.
Human Rights Watch also received a chart—dated November 2012 and produced by the Directorate—which contains the number of missing persons reported by each of the 31 states and the Federal District, totaling 25,276 persons.
While these lists and charts were works in progress at the time they were leaked and thus cannot be evaluated as finished products, they nevertheless reveal serious methodological problems, inconsistencies, and informational gaps.
For instance—reflecting a major flaw in the law—all versions of the list we have seen mix together cases in which available evidence led authorities to believe victims were abducted with cases in which missing persons appear to have lost contact on their own volition.
The inclusion of the latter cases undermines the utility of the database in estimating the scale of disappearances—that is, cases where the victim is deprived of his liberty against his will, and information about his fate withheld by those responsible—and its effectiveness in aiding the search for missing persons.
Furthermore, discrepancies in the numbers of cases reported from individual states raise questions about the comprehensiveness of data contained in the list.
However, the chart of reported cases from November 2012—the most click the following article of any obtained by Human Rights Watch—only includes 212 cases from Coahuila in which the fate of nude casino victim remains unknown.
In spite of these and other issues with the accuracy and scope of information contained in the lists, and its provisional nature, the databases nevertheless reveal some alarming patterns.
For example, according to information contained in the version of the please click for source that includes over 16,250 names, in only approximately 7,500 cases has an investigation been opened.
Given that a prerequisite for inclusion on the database is that a case have been previously reported to authorities, this suggests that in approximately 8,750 reported cases no investigation has been opened.
If true, that would constitute a serious omission on the part of authorities, who have the obligation to open an investigation whenever such a case is reported.
Interestingly, in only eight cases out of the more than 16,250 listed is any information included in this subcategory and even in those eight cases, it is an accusation rather than a proven fact.
This is particularly relevant because it seems to show the lack of empirical underpinning for the assertion—made repeatedly by authorities at all levels—that the majority of victims of disappearances are criminals.
Yet in only 32 instances in the database of nearly 21,000 cases was collection of such DNA information noted.
There also appears to be no standardized collection of information on the location where the victim was last seen there is no category heading eliciting such information even though this is obviously an important piece of information for investigations.
The information in the databases is poorly organized, making it hard to search effectively and compile data.
For example, the databases in several places have multiple entry headings for closely related concepts.
The national database was not completed by the time President Peña Nieto took office on December 1, 2012, and it remains incomplete.
Nor has a draft of the reglamento—key regulations for the law—been submitted to Congress.
And no national hotline or website has been created to allow citizens to access information the government has collected, as the law mandates.
It is codified in indian casino san diego county 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and is recognized as part of customary international humanitarian law applicable in both internal and international conflicts.
There are also multiple human rights instruments that address enforced disappearances, dating back to the 1978 General Assembly Resolution on Disappeared Persons and the 1992 Declaration on the Protection of all Persons from Enforced Disappearance the Declaration.
The crime of enforced disappearances has a number of specific and unique features that distinguish it from other international crimes.
Although a discrete crime in and of itself, the act of enforced disappearance has also long been recognized as simultaneously violating multiple, non-derogable human rights protections.
The 1978 General Assembly resolution recognizes that enforced disappearances constitute violations of the right to life, freedom from torture, and freedom from arbitrary arrest and detention.
The Declaration likewise explicitly states that the acts which comprise enforced disappearance constitute grave and flagrant violation of the prohibitions found in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the Convention Against Torture, regarding the right to visit web page, the right to liberty and security of the person, the right not to be subjected to torture and the right to recognition as a person before the law.
In line with the Declaration, the UN Human Rights Committee deems an enforced disappearance to constitute a violation of, or great threat to, many of the rights in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights: the right to life; to liberty and security; freedom from torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment; and the right of all detained persons to be treated with humanity.
An enforced disappearance is also a "continuing crime"—that is it continues to take place so long as the disappeared person remains missing, and information about his or her fate or whereabouts has not been provided.
This unique aspect of the crime—unlike that of torture, rape or extrajudicial killing—means that irrespective of when the initial act of disappearance took place, until the fate of the disappeared person is resolved there is an ongoing violation that is to be treated as such by the criminal justice system.
Victims of an enforced disappearance can include a number of individuals click here to the disappeared person who suffer direct harm as a result of the crime.
Apart from the immediate loss of a loved one, family and those close to a disappeared person suffer levels of severe anguish from not knowing the fate of the disappeared person, which amount to inhuman and degrading treatment.
They may also be further treated in an inhuman and degrading manner by the authorities who fail to investigate or provide information on the whereabouts and fate of the disappeared person.
In addition, they may suffer direct material loss in the form of loss of income or loss of social services.
These aspects render disappearances a particularly pernicious form of violation, and highlight the seriousness with which states need to take their obligations to prevent and remedy the crime of enforced disappearance.
Mexico is a party to both treaties.
Knew, or consciously disregarded information which clearly indicated, that subordinates under his or her effective authority and control were committing or about to commit a crime of enforced disappearance; ii.
Exercised effective responsibility for and control over activities which were concerned with the crime of enforced disappearance; and iii.
Failed to take all necessary and reasonable go here within his or her power to prevent or repress the commission of an enforced disappearance or to submit the matter to the competent authorities for investigation and prosecution.
Article 12 also explicitly places an obligation on the state to ensure the right of individuals to report the fact of enforced disappearance to the competent authorities.
This is a position under international law endorsed by the UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances.
It also requires that states take the appropriate steps with regard to resolving the legal situation of disappeared persons whose fate has not been clarified, as well as that of their relatives, in fields such as social welfare, financial matters, family law, and property rights.
Inadequate Domestic Legislation to Prevent and Punish Enforced Disappearances One of the key obligations in both conventions to which Mexico is a party is that it bring its domestic legislation into line with its international commitments by ensuring that enforced disappearances are a crime under its criminal laws.
Instead, the various laws—at federal and state levels—contain overly narrow and conflicting definitions which limit efforts to prevent, investigate, and prosecute the crime.
However, either such offences do not have the necessary scope to encompass enforced disappearances or the severity of the penalty is inappropriate.
For example, several state laws on enforced disappearance do not specify how statutes of limitations should apply to the crime, if at all.
Because an enforced disappearance is continuous so long as the fate of the victim remains unknown, the clock on the statute of limitations cannot commence unless and until the fate of the victim is resolved.
And in the case that a statute of limitations does commence at that stage, the time period must be of a length and duration proportionate to the extreme seriousness of the offence.
Many more states fail to provide in law that an enforced disappearance also occurs when non-state actors carry out the offence, with the indirect support, authorization, or acquiescence of state actors.
Because cases of alleged disappearances perpetrated by the military in Dress casino code marina brighton are virtually always investigated in the military justice system, this absence results in a serious gap in relevant legislation.
One of the main reasons military abuses persist, these reports and subsequent research found, is because soldiers who commit them are virtually never held accountable for their crimes.
And one of the main reasons they are not held accountable is because they continue to be investigated and prosecuted in the military justice system, which lacks the independence and impartiality to judge fellow members of the military and has failed in its obligation to provide victims with an effective judicial remedy.
When a crime or a fault to military law involves a civilian, the case shall be brought before the competent civil authority.
The military justice system in Mexico has serious structural flaws that undermine its independence and impartiality.
Military judges have little job security and may reasonably fear that the secretary could remove them or otherwise sideline their careers for issuing decisions that he dislikes.
Civilian review of military court decisions is very limited.
There is virtually no public scrutiny of, or access to information about, what actually happens during military investigations, prosecutions, and trials, which can take years.
These structural flaws are borne out in practice.
In many cases, witnesses and victims are reluctant to testify or participate, afraid of the future consequences of speaking about military abuses in front of military officials.
The limited information available demonstrates that the likelihood of obtaining justice in cases of alleged human rights violations in the military justice system is extremely slim.
The Mexican military found only 38 military personnel guilty of criminal offences since December 2006, according to SEDENA.
It is not clear in records provided by the Armed Forces how many of those convicted were fugitives tried and found guilty in absentia, or if any were later exonerated following appeals.
In addition, 11 of the military personnel counted link those convicted were convicted of crimes committed before 2007.
The Inter-American Court of Human Rights has issued decisions in four cases since 2009 mandating that the military justice system should not be used to investigate or prosecute human rights violations alleged to have been committed by the military and calling on Mexico to revise article 57 of the Code of Military Justice accordingly.
In the Radilla case, the Inter-American Court judgment stated, "Regarding situations that violate the human rights of civilians, military jurisdiction cannot operate under any circumstance.
To set legal precedent for future cases, the Supreme Court either needs to reach a similar ruling in five consecutive cases or issue an interpretation of a law that has been interpreted differently by lower level courts.
Villegas was shot and killed by members of the Army in Guerrero in 2009 when the bus he was riding in drove away from a military checkpoint.
The Supreme Court ruled that his killing should be prosecuted in the civilian justice system, and that the use of article 57 of the Code of Military Justice in the case—which is used by military prosecutors to claim jurisdiction over such cases—was unconstitutional.
However, this ruling by itself does not establish binding jurisprudence.
However, under pressure from ranking officers in the Army and Navy, party leaders in the Mexican Senate blocked the bill from coming to a vote prior to the end of the relevant legislative period.
Downgrading the Crime of Enforced Disappearance and Lenient Sentences by Military Prosecutors and Judges Evidence of the bias and incompetence of military prosecutors and judges in investigating and prosecuting cases of human rights violations can be found in their handling of cases of enforced disappearances.
According to information provided by the military, from December 1, 2006 to September 19, 2012, not a single member of the military was convicted in military courts for the crime of enforced disappearance.
During the same period, Human Rights Watch documented more than 40 cases in which evidence suggested the participation of members of the Army and Navy in enforced disappearances.
Human Rights Watch found strong evidence in several cases that military prosecutors had charged members of the military alleged to have committed enforced disappearances for lesser crimes.
In addition, in at least three cases with facts suggesting enforced disappearance crimes by Armed Forces personnel, records provided by the military show that military judges convicted the accused personnel of lesser crimes.
In response to a request filed by Human Rights Watch for records of cases in which members of the military had been convicted by military courts for human rights violations committed against civilians from December 1, 2006 to the present, the military provided a list containing information about two cases in which members of the Armed Forces were convicted for committing crimes consistent with enforced disappearances.
For these crimes, the lieutenant colonel was given a sentence of two years in prison.
The military provided conflicting accounts of the sentence given to the members of the military in this case.
Both of the cases involve crimes that are consistent with the definition of an enforced disappearance: state actors deprived persons of their liberty and took steps to conceal their fate.
Yet none of the members of the military who were found guilty of these crimes were investigated or prosecuted for enforced disappearances.
These actions raise serious doubts about the independence and impartiality of the prosecutors who investigated and charged the members of the military, as well as the judges who sentenced them.
For example, on November 14, 2008, Army soldiers entered the home of brothers JosĂ© Luis and Carlos GuzmĂĄn ZĂșñiga in Ciudad JuĂĄrez, Chihuahua, and arbitrarily detained them.
The brothers have not been seen since.
After conducting an in-depth investigation into the crime, the National Human Rights Commission concluded that "the diverse evidence gathered in the case documents make it possible to prove that the arrest and subsequent disappearance of JosĂ© Luis and Carlos GuzmĂĄn ZĂșñiga is attributable to Army officials.
In another enforced disappearance case involving the military, on June 20, 2009, a man went to visit the home of his friend in Los Reyes, MichoacĂĄn.
Shortly after he arrived, between 5 and 6 p.
His body was discovered on July 8, 2009, in PeribĂĄn de Ramos, MichoacĂĄn.
Five members of the military were charged for the crime in military jurisdiction, two of whom—a sergeant and a corporal—were convicted on January 23, 2012, military records show.
International law specifies that states should prosecute and punish perpetrators of serious human rights violations with penalties commensurate with the gravity of the offense.
The leniency of sentences imposed in military courts for crimes consistent with enforced disappearances in the aforementioned cases suggests that even in the very rare cases where such crimes are prosecuted, the punishment is inadequate.
Acknowledgments This report was written by Nik Steinberg, senior researcher for the Americas at Human Rights Watch.
The report was edited by Daniel Wilkinson, managing director of the Casino santa cruz de la sierra medicina Division, José Miguel Vivanco, executive director of the Americas Division, Joe Saunders, deputy program director, and Aisling Reidy, senior legal advisor.
Daniel Wilkinson, emergencies researcher Dan Williams, and Americas researcher Stephanie Morin participated in fact-finding missions for this report.
Associates Mariana Dambolena and Sylvie Stein contributed to the logistics and production.
Interns Teresa Cantero, Lucy McDonald-Stewart, Ashley Morse, Paula Lekanda, Montserrat Paula LĂłpez Skoknic, and Carolyn Smalkowski all provided valuable research support.
Brian Root provided assistance with data analysis.
Gabriela Haymes translated the report into Spanish.
Human Rights Watch is profoundly grateful to the families of the disappeared who shared their testimonies with us.
As this report demonstrates, disappearances inflict deep and lasting suffering on people whose loved ones have been taken—suffering that is exacerbated by the fact that the fate of the victims remains unknown.
Recounting such stories is often extremely painful and requires individuals to overcome a well-founded fear of reprisals.
Families often journeyed great distances to meet with our researchers, in some cases traveling along the same roads where their loved ones were abducted.
It was with great courage that these families spoke to us.
Many of them expressed the hope that, by telling their stories, others would be spared the abuses and pain they had check this out />Many Mexican organizations and individuals collaborated in the research for this report, and we are deeply indebted to them for their contributions.
These partners played a critical role in providing expert guidance and advice, as well as assisting with the documentation of both individual cases and broader patterns of abuse.
The organizations and individuals include, but are not limited to, the following: In Mexico City and in the states where they documented cases : the Miguel AgustĂ­n Pro JuĂĄrez Human Rights Center Centro de Derechos Humanos Miguel AugustĂ­n Pro JuĂĄrez ; the Mexican Commission of Defense and Human Rights Promotion ComisiĂłn Mexicana de Defensa y PromociĂłn de los Derechos Humanos ; the Foundation for Justice and the Rule of Law FundaciĂłn para la Justicia y el Estado DemocrĂĄtico de Derecho ; FUNDAR, Center of Analysis and Research FUNDAR, Centro de AnĂĄlisis e InvestigaciĂłn ; the Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity Movimiento por la Paz con Justicia y Dignidad ; United Efforts for Our Disappeared in Mexico Fuerzas Unidas por Nuestros Desaparecidos as en MĂ©xico, FUNDEM ; Stephanie Erin Brewer, Ana Paula HernĂĄndez, and Paulina Vega.
In Guanajuato: Angel LĂłpez of the Victoria Diez Human Rights Center Centro de Derechos Humanos Victoria Diez, A.
In Guerrero: the Tlachinollan Center for Human Rights in the Montaña Centro de Derechos Humanos de la Montaña Tlachinollan ; the Guerrero Coalition of Civilian Human Rights Organizations Red Guerrerense de Organismos Civiles de Derechos Humanos ; and the Workshop of Community Development Taller de Desarrollo Comunitario, TADECO.
In Nuevo LeĂłn: Citizens in Support of Human Rights Ciudadanos en Apoyo de los Derechos Humanos, CADHACand Sanjuana MartĂ­nez.
In San Luis PotosĂ­: Education and Citizenship EducaciĂłn y CiudadanĂ­a, A.
In Tamaulipas, the Nuevo Laredo Committee of Human Rights Comité de Derechos Humanos de Nuevo Laredo.
Human Rights Watch appreciates the willingness of the National Human Rights Commission to provide information for this report particularly statistics related to disappearances.
The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Mexico provided expert analysis on the efforts of the federal and state governments to criminalize enforced disappearances.
The cases on this list were documented by Human Rights Watch in fact-finding missions from 2009 to the end of 2012.
All of the disappearances included were committed during the administration of former president Felipe CalderĂłn, who held office from December 2006 to December 2012.
The victims do not represent all of the disappearances carried out in the states where Human Rights Watch conducted research, nor do they purport to offer a representative sample of the full range of cases of disappearances.
Human Rights Watch often learned about these cases because family members of the disappeared person sought the help of local human rights organizations or authorities, through other affected families, or through press accounts.
We then sought out the relatives of the disappeared persons, and, when possible, met with them.
Therefore, any disappearance case that was not reported to local organizations, authorities, or the media, or was not known to other families of the disappeared, would likely have been missed in our sample, indicating a selection bias.
In addition, there is a selection bias involved with the types of disappearance cases that are reported.
There are many factors—such as fear of repercussions or lack of awareness of how to report a disappearance—which could make relatives of a disappeared person more or less likely to report the crime.
It is impossible to determine whether the disappearances documented in this report share common characteristics that differentiate them from other disappearance cases which our sample did not identify.
In several instances, the names and other identifying information of the victims have been withheld, out of concern for their safety and that of their families.
The cases of disappearances have been organized alphabetically by the last name of the victim.
Cases for which names have been withheld have been randomly integrated into the list.
Due to the seriousness of the issues addressed in our report, we would very much like to take at face value the assurances in your letter that the Mexican government is committed to engaging in a constructive dialogue regarding the issues addressed in the report.
Indeed, when we met with President Felipe CalderĂłn in November, we had a very candid and constructive exchange regarding our findings, and we were encouraged by the fact that the president appeared to understand his obligation to address the serious problems we had documented.
Human Rights Watch fully welcomes criticisms of our reporting that can help to strengthen our understanding of human rights problems and increase our effectiveness as advocates for the policies needed to make progress in Mexico.
We also take very seriously our responsibility to evaluate any shortcomings or inaccuracies that we may have committed in producing our report.
Yet, after a careful review of your letter, we have found that none of the criticisms you make of our report stand up to rigorous scrutiny.
And we are concerned that your public statements claiming that your letter disproves our findings serve to misinform the public and undermine efforts to remedy these problems.
Indeed, viewed in the context of the scope of the abuses and impunity we documented, the substance and tone of your letter—and your public comments—could well be construed as evidence that the Calderón administration is not taking seriously its legal obligation to investigate and punish these reprehensible human rights violations.
Widespread and Systematic Abuses A principal finding of our report is that Mexican security forces have committed widespread abuses in the context of counternarcotics operations, including the systematic use of torture in five states.
Our report documents more than 230 cases in which Mexican security forces are implicated in grave abuses—including cases from five different states, and cases involving every type of security force involved in counternarcotics operations the Army, Navy, and the federal, state, and local police.
This argument is based on a false premise: the fact that a complaint does not end in a recommendation does not necessarily mean that there was no click to see more rights violation.
In fact, could also mean that the CNDH resolved the complaint through another mechanism, that it is still investigating the allegations, or that it failed to adequately investigate them, as our report shows happened in many cases.
Even if it were somehow possible that the abuses we document were occurring only in these states and in none their neighbors, this would still constitute a problem of national proportions.
Moreover, contrary to your claim, the report does provide detailed descriptions of the cases based on extensive evidence culled from multiple sources—ranging from medical examinations, crime scene photographs, and witness testimony, to judicial rulings, written and oral communications by officials, and videos of court proceedings, among others.
All of these authorities are duly cited throughout our report.
Where official accounts may be lacking, it is due primarily to the fact that some casino algarve either refused to respond to our queries, or provided incomplete or patently inaccurate information when they did.
Impunity for Abuses Another principal finding of our report is that virtually none of the soldiers and police responsible for the abuses we document has been held accountable, in large part due to systematic flaws in investigations.
What you do not address, however, is our actual concern, which is not the quantity of investigations but rather their quality.
Our report provides scores of detailed examples of egregious and systematic lapses by authorities investigating human rights cases.
The report also provides official data demonstrating that investigations of human rights cases rarely lead to convictions.
For example, of 3,671 investigations opened from January 2007 through July 2011 in the military justice system into alleged human rights abuses committed by soldiers, only 29 soldiers have been convicted of crimes.
Only two officials were convicted of torture by federal courts between 1994 and June 2010 the most recent date for which such information is available.
Moreover, the report refers to the findings of well-respected intergovernmental bodies that have reached similar conclusions—such as the UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances.
And, indeed, the only one of them which has resulted in convictions—involving the students murdered in Villas casino santa cruz de la sierra medicina Salvárcar —is a textbook example of the sort of abuse and impunity that we document in our report.
At least one of the suspects in this case was tortured into confessing to the crime, according to our research, as well as the findings of the National Human Rights Commission.
The fact that you would attempt to use the Villas de SalvĂĄrcar case to dismiss concerns about the problems of abuse and impunity in Mexico suggests that your office has not paid serious attention either to the content of our report or the findings of the National Human Rights Commission.
And contrary to what you allege in your letter, we never claim or suggest that an actual war as defined by international norms is taking place in Mexico today.
It is odd that you would object so congratulate, casinos close to new york city thank to our using the label that President CalderĂłn himself has used frequently over the course of his term to describe his counternarcotics policy.
We have never argued that Mexico had to choose between confronting cartels and strengthening its flawed institutions.
On the contrary, we have argued that in order to address the very serious threat posed by organized crime, Mexico needed to address the chronic abuses and impunity of its security forces, as well as support and strengthen justice officials, who play a critical role in dismantling criminal groups.
Unfortunately, it is precisely in such efforts to bolster institutions and implement reforms that the government of President CalderĂłn has fallen short.
However, these reform efforts are falling short in critical areas, and these important statements have not yet resulted in changes in practice.
At the same time, the CalderĂłn administration and military authorities continue to speak and act in ways that undermine their commitments to strengthen human rights and the rule of law.
Nevertheless, we remain willing to collaborate with the government in crafting a public security approach that helps reduce such grave human rights violations and ensures officials who commit them are held accountable.
We believe it is critical that the victims whose cases we have documented, as well as countless other victims not named in our report, have a real opportunity for justice.
And we believe that a public security policy that respects fundamental rights is more effective in reducing violence and restoring public confidence in democratic institutions, gains that will serve the broader interests of all Mexicans.
In recent months, the government has demonstrated greater openness in the way it talks about human rights, which has the power to impact both the practices of officials and the attitudes of the public.
Yet despite these important commitments, much remains to be done.
If, contrary to all evidence, the government continues to downplay the prevalence of abuses, or claims that it has taken adequate steps to investigate those that have occurred, it will squander its last opportunity to remedy these serious problems.
On the contrary, if it chooses to translate its recent rhetorical commitments into actions—reforming its flawed military justice system or implementing measures directed at reducing the incidence of disappearances, killings, and torture—it will put Mexico on track for a change that is crucial.
We sincerely hope it will choose the latter option, and that we can work together in a serious effort to find constructive solutions.
The amparo is a legal remedy designed to protect the rights recognized by the Mexican Constitution, as well as international treaties, when government officials act in violation of these rights.
An amparo can challenge, acts, or omissions by the government or state officials that violate the rights of an individual or group.
The purpose of filing an amparo is to end to the violation of those rights or the unconstitutional application of a law.
In the case of failure to act omissionthe amparo seeks to compel the government and its español veracruz casino orizaba to comply with their legal obligations.
An amparo is a federal remedy and must be filed with the appropriate federal court, even if the responsible party is a local or state actor.
Mexico's National Human Rights Commission ComisiĂłn Nacional de los Derechos Humanos, CNDH was created in 1990 to monitor the human rights practices of government institutions and promote increased respect for fundamental rights in Mexico.
Originally created as part of the Ministry of the Interior, the commission became a fully autonomous agency in 1999 through a constitutional reform, which granted it complete independence from the executive branch.
The commissions are empowered to receive formal complaints from victims quejas and issue recommendations recomendaciones directed at state agents—a public document that details human rights violations and identifies steps that government institutions should take to redress them.
Human Rights Watch interview with Oralia Guadalupe Villaseñor Våzquez, wife of José Fortino Martínez Martínez, Monterrey, Nuevo León, June 5, 2012.
See also letter from Oralia Guadalupe Villaseñor Våzquez to Felipe Calderón, president of Mexico; Mariano Francisco Saynez Mendoza, admiral of the Navy; Raul Plascencia Villanueva, president of the National Human Rights Commission; Francisco Blake Mora, secretary of the interior, June 6, 2011 on file with Human Rights Watch.
Human Rights Watch interview with Oralia Guadalupe Villaseñor Våzquez, Monterrey, Nuevo León, June 5, 2012.
Video footage filmed by witness outside of Motel Santa Monica on June 5, 2011, provided to Human Rights Watch on June 5, 2012, by Raymundo Ramos, director of Nuevo Laredo Committee of Human Rights Comité de Derechos Humanos de Nuevo Laredoon file with Human Rights Watch.
Approximately 70 photographs taken by witnesses outside of Motel Santa Monica on June 5, 2011, given to Human Rights Watch on June 5, 2012, by Raymundo Ramos, director of Nuevo Laredo Comité de Derechos Humanos de Nuevo Laredo.
Human Rights Watch interview with Oralia Guadalupe Villaseñor Våzquez, Monterrey, Nuevo León, June 5, 2012.
Human Rights Watch interview with Isabel GarcĂ­a Acosta, mother of MartĂ­n Rico GarcĂ­a, Monterrey, Nuevo LeĂłn, June 5, 2012.
Human Rights Watch interview with Oralia Guadalupe Villaseñor Våzquez, Monterrey, Nuevo León, June 5, 2012.
Human Rights Watch interview with Raymundo Ramos, director of Nuevo Laredo Comité de Derechos Humanos de Nuevo Laredo, and with the families of four of the victims, Monterrey, Nuevo León, June 5, 2012.
Human Rights Watch interview with Yadira Alejandra MartĂ­nez RamĂ­rez, Monterrey, Nuevo LeĂłn, June 5, 2012.
Human Rights Watch telephone interview with JesĂșs VĂ­ctor Llano Cobos, father of JesĂșs VĂ­ctor Llano Muñoz, Monterrey, Nuevo LeĂłn, July 8, 2011.
Human Rights Watch interview with Oziel Antonio Jasso Maldonado and María del Socorro Madonado Lira, brother and mother of René Azael Jasso Maldonado, Monterrey, Nuevo León, October 5, 2011.
Human Rights Watch interview with Martin Faz Mora and Ricardo SĂĄnchez GarcĂ­a, human rights defenders accompanying families in the case, San Luis PotosĂ­, MĂ©xico, September 18, 2012.
Testimony of Alfonso Magallón Cervantes and Yolanda Ochoa Cortés, as transcribed by human rights defender Martin Faz Mora and later provided to state prosecutors, San Luis Potosí, September 30, 2011 on file with Human Rights Watch.
Human Rights Watch interview with Martin Faz Mora and Ricardo SĂĄnchez GarcĂ­a, human rights defenders accompanying families in the case, San Luis PotosĂ­, MĂ©xico, September 18, 2012.
The PolicĂ­a Federal force was part of the Ministry of Public Security SecretarĂ­a de Seguridad PĂșblica until the ministry was dissolved in January 2013, at which time the police were placed under the authority of the Ministry of the Interior.
Federal judicial police— ministeriales federales—include those who worked for the now defunct Federal Investigation Agency Agencia Federal de Investigacion, or AFIwhich was dissolved in 2009.
Human Rights Watch interview with family members of victims, Monterrey, Nuevo LeĂłn, June 5, 2012.
The identity of the individuals has been withheld out of concern for their safety.
The 19 are José Alberto Botello Huerta, Felipe Gonzålez Valdéz, Guadalupe Pineda Damiån, Juan Antonio Espinoza Godina, Santos Hernåndez Asunción, José Maximino Maldonado Muñoz, Daniel Mendieta Martel, Jorge Luis Sånchez, Ciprino Rodríguez, Enrique Arreguin Izaguirre, Bernardo Argotte Rangel, Flavio Olmeda Ibarra, Jorge Armando Roque Aråmbula, Ernesto Sanmartín Hernåndez, Félix Salinas Gonzålez, Adoniram Våzquez Alanís, Leonardo Rosas Castillo, Adån Ramos Antonio, and Honorio Badillo Gómez.
Human Rights Watch interview with relatives of two of the disappeared workers, Monterrey, Nuevo LeĂłn, June 3, 2012.
The identity of the individuals has been withheld out of concern for their safety.
Evaristo III MartĂ­nez LĂłpez Comparecencia de C.
Evaristo III MartĂ­nez LĂłpezA.
Human Rights Watch interview with relatives of two of the disappeared workers, Monterrey, Nuevo LeĂłn, June 3, 2012.
Arraigo allows public prosecutors to hold suspects, with the authorization of a judge, for up to 80 days before they charging them with a crime.
Human Rights Watch interview with family members of victims, Monterrey, Nuevo LeĂłn, June 2, 2012.
The identity of the individuals has been withheld out of concern for their safety.
Luz MarĂ­a DurĂĄn Mota, June 20, 2011.
Human Rights Watch interview with C.
Luz MarĂ­a DurĂĄn Mota, JuĂĄrez, Nuevo LeĂłn, October 4, 2011.
Luz MarĂ­a DurĂĄn Mota, June 20, 2011.
Human Rights Watch interview with C.
Luz MarĂ­a DurĂĄn Mota, JuĂĄrez, October 4, 2011.
Human Rights Watch interview with family members of the disappeared hunters: Lourdes Valdivia, mother of Juan Cordero Valdivia and wife of José Diego Cordero Anguiano; Alicia Rocha, wife of José Javier Martínez; José Luz Cordero Anguiano, brother of Ernesto and José Diego Cordero, and uncle of Juan Diego Cordero; Geny Romero Manrique, wife of Ernesto Cordero Anguiano; Pablo Bocanegra García, father of Alån Josué Bocanegra López; and Virginia Barajas, mother of Juan Ricardo Rodríguez Barajas, León, Guanajuato, September 19, 2012.
His family told Human Rights Watch that they did not accept the veracity of the DNA matching process.
Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Angeles LĂłpez, human rights defender from the organization Centro de Derechos Humanos Victoria Diez, LeĂłn, Guanajuato, who is working with the families of the disappeared hunters, February 15, 2013.
Human Rights Watch interview with Dania Vega pseudonymTorreĂłn, Coahuila, April 24, 2012.
The identity of the individual has been withheld out of concern for her safety.
The date and number of the formal complaint and subsequent investigation have not been recorded here at the request of the family, to maintain their anonymity, Human Rights Watch interview with family members of IvĂĄn Baruch NĂșñez Mendieta, TorreĂłn, Coahuila, April 24, 2012.
The identity of the individuals has been withheld out of concern for their safety; Coahuila State Prosecutors Office, investigation averiguaciĂłn previa 95-2011, Mesa I, Lic.
Constitution of Mexico ConstituciĂłn PolĂ­tica de los Estados Unidos Mexicanosaccessed August 8, 2012art.
Letter from Center for Women's Human Rights Centro de Derechos Humanos de las Mujeres, CEDEHMCenter for Human Rights Paso del Norte Centro de Derechos Humanos Paso del Norteand Commission for Solidarity and Defense of Human Rights ComisiĂłn de Solidaridad y Defensa de los Derechos Humanos, COSYDDHAC to Dr.
Canton, executive secretary of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, February 26, 2010, in which it details the case of the alleged enforced disappearances of Nitza Paola Alvarado Espinoza, Jose Angel Alvarado Herrera, and Irene RocĂ­o Alvarado Reyes on file with Human Rights Watch.
Letter from Oscar Arias Ocampo, judicial police agent agente de la policĂ­a ministerialNuevo Casas Grandes, Chihuahua State Judicial Police Chihuahua Agencia Estatal de InvestigaciĂłnto Dr.
Letter from Center for Women's Human Rights, Center for Human Rights Paso del Norte, and Commission for Solidarity and Defense of Human Rights, to Dr.
Canton, executive secretary of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, February 26, 2010.
Human Rights Watch interviews with Raymundo Ramos, director of Comité de Derechos Humanos de Nuevo Laredo, Monterrey, Nuevo León, June 5, 2012.
Human Rights Watch interviews with relatives of José Fortino Martínez Martínez, Martín Rico García, José Cruz Díaz Camarillo, and Diego Omar Guillén Martínez, Monterrey, Nuevo León, June 5, 2012.
Human Rights Watch interview with Javier MartĂ­nez HernĂĄndez, lawyer for the undocumented migrants, Casa Migrante, Saltillo, Coahuila, April 23, 2012.
Human Rights Watch interview with staff of Casa del Migrante Saltillo, Saltillo, Coahuila, April 23, 2011; Human Rights Watch group interview with migrant defenders from Centro de Derechos Humanos del Migrante Ciudad JuĂĄrez, ChihuahuaCoaliciĂłn Pro Defensa del Migrante Tijuana, Baja CaliforniaCasa YMCA de Menores Migrantes Tijuana, Baja CaliforniaCasa del Migrante Nazareth Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipasand Centro de Recursos de Migrantes Agua Prieta, SonoraWashington, DC, March 28, 2012.
Human Rights Watch interview with relatives of IvĂĄn Baruch NĂșñez Mendieta, TorreĂłn, Coahuila, April 24, 2012.
The identity of the individuals has been withheld out of concern for their safety.
Human Rights Watch interview with mother of Hugo Marcelino GonzĂĄlez Salazar, MarĂ­a Elena Salazar Zamora, TorreĂłn, Coahuila, April 24, 2012.
Human Rights Watch interview with relative of the disappeared brothers, Saltillo, Coahuila, April 25, 2012.
Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Rosario Villanueva Rocha, mother of Oscar GermĂĄn Herrera Rocha, August 9, 2012, San Diego.
Human Rights Watch interview with MarĂ­a Audelia Castillo Ibarra, mother of MĂłnica Isabel Esquivel Castillo, Saltillo, Coahuila, April 26, 2012.
Human Rights Watch interview with the wife of SebastiĂĄn PĂ©rez pseudonymTorreĂłn, Coahuila, April 25, 2012.
PĂ©rez was disappeared in August 2011.
The identity of PĂ©rez and his wife have been withheld out of concern for their safety.
The child of Elsa Judith Pecina Riojas and Wilfredo Álvarez Valdez was found, unharmed, on November 25, 2011—10 days after being abducted—on a park bench in Piedras Negras.
Human Rights Watch interview with relatives of Perla Liliana Pecina Riojas, Elsa Judith Pecina Riojas, and Wilfredo Álvarez Valdez, Saltillo, Coahuila, April 24, 2012.
The identities of the individuals have been withheld out of concern for their safety.
The recordings of security cameras are often automatically erased at regular intervals, usually every one to three days, prosecutors told Human Rights Watch.
Therefore, waiting a period of weeks or months to request such footage virtually ensures that the relevant recording has already been erased.
Human Rights Watch interview with relative of victim, Monterrey, Nuevo LeĂłn, June 4, 2012. casino santa cruz de la sierra medicina casino santa cruz de la sierra medicina casino santa cruz de la sierra medicina casino santa cruz de la sierra medicina casino santa cruz de la sierra medicina casino santa cruz de la sierra medicina


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